THE of nature, or felfTHE firft law of nature is a deprefervation, and a correfpondent horror of annihilation: a defire not only that the elements or principles of which this living and thinking being is compofed, may be preferved, but that perfonal identity fhould remain, a confcioufnefs of identity be retained, and that individuality, which diftinguithes one man from another, and makes him to be himself. The ancient Stoics endeavoured to confole mankind with the reflection, that, though the human frame would be diffolved by death, not an atom of its component parts would be destroyed or loft. The earthy part would be reunited to earth, the watery to water, the fiery to fire, the airy and ethereal to air and ether. However perfonal identity might be difcontinued, the univerfe would remain the fame, unimpaired and eternal. The permanence, the order, and perfection of this, in which every one participated, ought to be ever uppermost in the mind of a wife man, and his confolation through life, and in the crifis of death. This

cold comfort to the human heart. If a kind of immortality; however, is but man is to be taken to pieces, and lofe confcioufnels of identity, he will make little account whether his elementary parts remain in any other form, or, if that were poffible, totally annihilated.

This confcioufnefs of identity, this anxious defire and love of felf-prefervation, that reigns fupreme in the breafts of individuals, is felt in different degrees by nations, and gene rally more or less according as they are fimple and virtuous, or corrupt, fenfual, and felfifh. The firft notice to any mall nation of a formal propofal for an union and amalga mation with a great and powerful ftate, is, accordingly, an alarm for felf-prefervation. The powerful nation feels no alarm of this kind, becaufe it is only ftrengthened by fuch acceflions which it affimilates and tranfmutes into its own nature and form; but the fmall nation is loath to abandon its feparate exiftence, as a fovereign power, and be fwallowed up like a stream in the ocean. This principle of human nature is to be recognised in the hiftory of

all

all unions, of all times: but, not to go too far back, or wander too far from our fubject, we shall only mention the discontents, the tumults, and the violence of the Scots against the union of their poor country with England. The foil of Scotland might be improved, and the Scots might acquire more wealth, and more comforts; but Scotland, as a kingdom, would be no more. There would be no more any genuine Scotsmen by the operation of government, they would be gradually mingled and melted down with Englishmen; the Scotch would ceafe to be a national character; their genius and manners would be formed by various objects of purfuits, various hopes and fears, common to them, with all the other inhabitants of the island.

A fimilar train of thinking, exactly, on the subject of the propofed union with Great Britain, prevailed in Ireland; and, as in Scotland, a majority of the men of property and political influence were induced, whether from selfish confiderations, or from views of real patriotifm, (for there certainly were many who acted from both) to exchange, as it were, in fome measure, the national identity and exiftence for a fhare in the British legislature; and the great mals of the people clung, with fond embraces, around their expiring parent, though he had been, in too many inftances, to them but a harsh ftep-mother: fo allo a majority of the men of property and political influence in Ireland were induced, from divers motives, no doubt, to favour and adopt an incorporating union between Great Britain and Ireland; and so also the great mass

VOL. XLII.

of the people of Ireland, though more harfhly treated by their mother-country, that had fallen into a ftate of thraldom, and was under the fway of ftrangers, than even the Scots, fuck faft by Hibernia. in her laft moments. The Irifh harp was attuned to ftrains of lamentation and-complaint; but martial mufic would have aroufed the people to arms, if they had not been kept in fubjection, by an irresistible armed force, poured in upen them from England.

When the refolutions of the Britifh legiflature, intended as a bafis for an union with Ireland, being remitted, with fome alterations, for the reconfideration of that country, in May, 1799, became a fubject of parliamentary difcuffion, the populace, of Dublin, and many other towns, manifefted an averfion to the union in every mode in which they could fhew it, fhort of an armed oppofition: from which they were reftrained only by a dread of the English foldiers, and the claymores of kindred celts; the Scotch Highlanders, many regiments of whom, fencibles and volunteers, as well as regulars, were ftationed in the provinces of Leinfter and Ulfter.

*

The Irish parliament having affembled,on the fifteenth of January, 1800, it was moved, by fir Laurence Par fons, in the houfe of commons, that they fhould, in their addrefs to the viceroy, declare their difapprobation of an incorporating union. This motion was negatived by 138 voices againft 96. On the fifth of February, the whole plan of the union was detailed, in the house of lords, by lord Caftlereagh, principal fecretary of state, who, after display

ing the general principle of the measure, propofed eight articles, as the foundations on which it might be established, to the mutual benefit of both kingdoms.

fervation of the church of Scotland, by the union of England and Scotland. The fixth article provided for a fair participation in commer cial privileges; for which end, however, it was thought neceffary to impofe certain countervailing duties. The feventh left to each kingdom the feparate difcharge of its public debt already incurred, and ordained, that, from twenty years from the union, the national expense fhould be defrayed in the proportion of fifteen parts for Great Britain, and two for Ireland. The eight ordained that the laws and courts of both kingdoms, civil and ecclefiaftical, fhould remain as they were now established, subject, however, to fuch alterations, as the united legiflatures might hereafter deem expedient-All laws, at prefent in force in either kingdom, which fhould be contrary to any of the provifions that might be enacted by any act for carrying the above articles into effect, from and after the union, to be repealed.

The first imported, that, on the first day of January, 1801, the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland fhould, for ever after, be united into one kingdom, by the name of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The fecond, that the fucceffion to the imperial crown of the faid united kingdom, and of the dominions thereunto belonging, fhould continue limited and fettled in the fame manner as it now stands limited and settled, according to the union between England and Scotland. The third, that the fame united kingdom be united in one and the fame parliament. The fourth, that four lords fpiritual of Ireland, by rotation of feffions, and twenty-eight lords temporal of Ireland, elected for life by the peers of Ireland, fhould be the number to fit and vote, on the part of Ireland, in the house of lords, in the parliament of the united kingdom. The fifth, that the churches of England and Ireland fhould be united into one proteftant epifcopal church, to be called, "The united church of England and Ireland," and that the doctrine, worship, and difcipline, of the faid church, fhould remain in full force for ever; and that the continuance and prefervation of the laid united church fhould be, for ever, held as a fundamental article of the union. It appears fingular, at firft fight, but the reafon will quickly occur to every reader of hiftory, that the legislatures of the two countries, on this occafion, should recognife particularly the laws already made for the continuance and pre

In fupport of thefe propofitions, the fecretary difplayed great ability, found fenfe, comprehenfive views, clear arrangement, and an eafy flow of eloquence. One of the moft important and interefting points in queftion was the parliamentary reprefentation of Ireland. On this head, his lordship contended that the propofed number of Irish legiflators ought to fatisfy every reafonable man, as it might be deemed a juft proportion, under the combined view of the refpective population, and future contributions of Great Britain and Ireland. As many boroughs would be disfranchifed, by the new regulations, it would be proper, he faid, to make compenfation to fuch individuals as might

be

be injured by the lofs of their prefcriptive privileges. By the new arrangements, he added, the queftion of parliamentary reform would be fuperfeded, as the prefent plan was a reform of the most popular kind. With regard to the church, another important and a delicate topic, and what had been frequent ly a fubject of acrimonious conteft, he expreffed his conviction of the infecurity of that of Ireland, if it fhould continue feparate from the English establishment; but, in event of an union, he had no doubt that the prefent ecclefiaftical establishment, founded on the proteftant afcendancy, would be ftable and permanent. The catholics, who, trufting to their great fuperiority of numbers, were continually urging claims against the minority, would be checked in their confidence and forwardnefs, and exhibit fewer marks of jealousy and miftruft; and their pretenfions would be temperately difcuffed by an imperial parliament, at a time when local circumftances would ceafe to

irritate and inflame.

On the fubject of trade, lord Caftlereagh obferved, that the circumftances of the two countries did not admit a complete incorporation of commercial interefts, because fome of the Irish manufactures were not fufficiently advanced to profper without protecting duties; and the difparity of the burthens borne by the British manufactures, in confequence of a greater fhare of taxation, rendered it impracticable to adjust this part of the fyftem, on any other principle than that of a full freedom of export between the countries.

The noble fecretary of ftate proceeded next to maintain the pro

priety of the financial fyftem of the plan propofed for an union. This part of the arrangement, he faid, was more beneficial to Ireland than to Great Britain: but he entered a ftrong caveat against any idea that this pecuniary advantage was intended as a compenfation to the former realm, for the loss of honour, or of other interefts. The offer was made on the wide bafis of a fair and mutual agreement. It were greatly to be wifhed, he faid, that the two kingdoms fhould be fo completely incorporated, as not to have diftinct revenues; but, in the prefent circunftances of both realms, this point could not be fatisfactorily adjufted. It was therefore expedient to felect a criterion of relative ability, by which the feparate contributions could be regulated. Lord Caftlereagh, having compared the exports and imports. of Ireland with thofe of Great Britain, and the excifed articles of confumption in one kingdom with thofe of another, for the last three years, eftimated the ratio of ability in the different kingdoms, as one to feven and a half. And to fhew the operation of this proportion, he ftated the respective expenditures of the two countries in the last year, and compared that of Ireland with what it would have been, according to the alleged ratio, fo as to prove that nearly a million sterling would have been faved by the weftern realm. Ireland would gain another advantage in a participation of a proprietary right in the territorial revenue of Britain, whence he would derive two-fifteenths of the fum annually paid to govern ment by the Eaft-India company.

This project, or plan for an union, was oppofed by various [I 2]

Speakers,