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refused to allow the starving garrison at Sumpter to be provisioned that he threw off the mantle of the pacificator and appealed to the God of battles to decide the great question whether we were to have a government or not. [Applause.] Now, if his voice had been for war before, his appeal to his friends throughout the loyal States in that dread hour must have been ineffectual. If he had faltered before the threats of the Southern Disunionists after his nomination for the Presidency in 1860—if he had refused to answer the Norfolk questions as he did answer them—if he had broken up his intended journey into the Southern States when the October elections in Indiana and Pennsylvania made the election of Mr. Lincoln a certainty—if he had not grappled with Breckinridge in the special session of the Senate and pulverized him [great applause) with the massive force of truth and intellect —of what avail would his invocation have been when Sumpter fell? He would have been regarded as a mere instrument of Faction. But when he spoke for war and for the Government, millions rose at his call, and the Administration felt that the country had rallied an element to the standard of the Union which could never be defeated.

The most unjust of all the imputations upon the memory of . Douglas, however, is that of recent coinage and circulation.It comes appropriately from those who followed him with obloquy to the grave—from the advocates first of a policy which produced a bitter alienation between the North and the South, and now of secession and separation. Rejecting the last, and probably the greatest speech of his life-short, it is true, but a mine of gold in thought and precious example—they now put him forward as the opponent of the righteous cause of his country, and quote him as the defamer of the Government, and by consequence, as the apologist of the men banded for its

destruction. There is a refined injustice in this aspersion of his fame-a cruelty in this calumny that would dishonor any cause but that which is in itself unrelieved dishonor. Not content with having repaid his long years of service to the Southern people—service in which he displayed the noblest attributes of man-services in rendering which, indeed, he sacrificed his life—with ingratitude as base as that which might be supposed to inflame a recreant son to slay his sleeping father in cold blood, they now attempt to tarnish his memory with the incredible falsehood that he was opposed to the mighty movement which has stirred the ocean of public opinion in the loyal States. [Sensation.] I need only give a single sentence from his last address to the people of Chicago in last May, to establish alike the malevolence of his enemies and the courageous consistency of his patriotism :

“ The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present Secession movement is the result of a tremendous, enormous conspiracy formed more than a year ago. [Cheers.] This conspiracy to break up the Union, was formed by the leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago. They use the slavery question as a means to accomplish their desired end. They desired a Northern man to be elected President by a sectional vote, in order to consider that as evidence that the two sections could not live in peace, and so they might break up the Union. [Applause.] Whenever the history of the last two years shall be written, whenever the history of this country, from the time that the Lecompton Constitution was originated down to the last Presidential election, shall be written, it will appear that the scheme was formed to break up this Union. They desired to break it up, using the slavery question as a pretext. They desired the election of the Republican candidate by a purely Northern vote, against a united

South, and now assign that fact as a reason why we could not live together. The scheme as agreed upon in Washington last May was for the Disunion candidate to carry every Southern State, and Mr. Lincoln every Northern State, and the Disunionists then were to seize possession of the Federal Government, and issue orders to the army and navy under the seal of the United States. They expected to have possession of the Government, and they relied upon a divided North and a united South to bring civil war to our own doors. The scheme was only defeated by the defeat of the Disunion candidate in Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee, and Virginia. [Applause.] Whenever the history of this country shall be written, it will record that grand conspiracy, and the present Disunion movement as the result of it.

“ But this is not the time to go into a discussion of the causes that have produced these results. The conspiracy to break up the Union is a fact now known to all. Armies are being raised and war levied to accomplish it. There can be but two sides to this controversy. [Applause.] EVERY MAN MUST BE ON THE SIDE OF THE UNITED STATES OR AGAINST IT. [Immense applause, cheers, and cries of 'Good ! 'good !' etc.] There can be no neutrals in this war. [Prolonged cheers.]

“ There can be none but patriots and traitors. [Applause.] Thank God! Illinois will not be divided on that question. [Cheers.] I know that they have expected to present a united South against a divided North. The conspirators have been led to hope that, in the Northern States, it would be made a party question, producing civil war between Democrats and Republicans, and the South being united, could step in with their legions, and help the one to destroy the other, and then conquer the victor. [Laughter and applause.] Their scheme was bloodshed and all the horrors of civil war in every Northern State! There is but one way to prevent it: united action on the part of Illinois, closing up the ranks, and thus rendering it impossible that war shall rage on our soil. [Applause.]

61 repeat that, so long as it was possible to settle this question by peaceful means, I was willing to make any reasonable sacrifice for that purpose; but when the question comes whether the war shall be transferred from the cotton fields of the South to the corn-fields of Illinois, I choose to say that the further off that war the better. [Applause.]

“War does exist. It is a sad thought to every patriot.War-civil war—must be recognized as existing in the United States. We may no longer close our eyes to that solemn fact. This government must be maintained, the enemies of the country overthrown, and the more stupendous and overwhelming our preparations, the less bloodshed and the shorter the struggle.”

Here, in the capital, which was the scene of some of his proudest triumphs, let us resolve to wear these immortal words in our heart of hearts, and to transmit them to endless generations. [Applause.] I now speak to the people of the Free States, who are again approached by the enemies of Douglas, and once more called upon to strike at the safety of the Republic. Be no longer deceived by wicked and ambitious men. Remember that every appeal to party against the Government is an argument intended to demoralize the energies of the present Executive and his ministers; is but a crafty preparation for a still more fearful evil than disunion itself-even to the death of all personal liberty, and to the perpetuity of a civil feud before which the wars of other days and other nations will seem but the pastimes of a village fair.

His magnanimity was a leading characteristic. He was less permanently controlled by party feelings or personal prejudices than any man I ever knew. He was impulsive, and frequently


dealt in harsh invective, but so generous a soul could not nurse his wrath to keep it warm.

If he said a bitter thing, he soon regretted and frankly admitted it. If he struck a hard blow, the same clenched hand that gave it was promptly opened to reconciliation. This trait was, probably, the secret of his popularity in society and in the Senate. In fact, his manner could not be resisted. He disarmed prejudice by a double charmby his ability and his magnanimity. [Applause.] After the most acrimonious debate, it was no uncommon thing for him to jest with the men he had been recently denouncing. If he offended like a man, he forgave like a God. I shall never forget his appearance when the electoral vote was read, in the House of Representatives, in February last. That was a memorable scene. According to law, Vice President Breckinridge presided. Only three Southern States had deserted the flag and faith of their fathers. The galleries were crowded, and some interest was excited by the rumor that violence was intended to prevent the formal proclamation of the constitutional verdict of the American people. I looked round me to see whether certain men, who continued to retain seats in that great Convention, Senators and Representatives, with all their boasted chivalry, and honor, and courage, could lend themselves to the studied denunciation of an election of the ruler of thirty millions of people—could participate in all the solemn ceremonials belonging to it—could hear the vote of every State read off and recorded, even while their souls were black with sin, and their hearts filled with the pre-ordained purpose of disregarding that election, and of making it the pretext of a war intended to convert this capital into a Gahenna, a Phlegethon, a very hell on earth. [Applause.] The Vice President, calm, cold, and complacent,-for so young a man, very calm, cold, and complacent, —announced every State before the vote was read, and seemed

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