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out that he would not be permitted to speak in the Slave States, and more than one of the Southern journals invoked the spirit of the mob to put him down. But he was not to be deterred or delayed. He was not to be put down by human power. Leaving Chicago, he passed successively through the States of Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana, travelling and speaking night and day, and returned through Mississippi, Tennessee, and Virginia. Wherever he appeared thousands greeted him, and although invectives were plenty and threats hurled at him from the crowds, armed men watching each other, ready to break into open violence for and against him, he maintained the even tenor of his way. He reached the city of Mobile the evening before the Presidential election, and addressed an immense meeting of the people, carrying the district, as the result announced the night after showed, by the force of his logic and the courage of his character. In all this tour, not content with appealing to the masses from the hustings, he invoked his friends in private life to stand fast by the flag, appealed to the editors friendly to him to keep up the good fight, and never rested, not even after the election of Mr. Lincoln was ascertained, when he addressed the people of New Orleans, until he was prostrated by disease. [Applause.] It is related that after his speech at New Orleans a splendid silk banner was unfurled, bearing an accurate likeness of Douglas, inscribed with the words “Our choice in 1864.” I forbear referring in detail to those who assisted in the welcome of this illustrious patriot during his memorable mission to the Slave States, and who have since fallen from his standard, and are now engaged in the parricidal attempt of destroying that Union in whose behalf he labored so heroically. I have never doubted, that during this campaign the seeds of the fatal disease that finally carried him off were planted in his constitution. He had passed through almost inconceivable dangers, accidents by flood and field, and on one occasion came near losing his life by what was supposed to be the act of an enemy who attempted to throw the train which carried him and his family from the track. He survived them all to return to Washington. Is it any wonder that in

. his celebrated passage with the Disunion candidate for the Presidency, during the special session of April, in this year, that with all this experience in his own recollection and the recollection of the country, he should say that there was no cause for this rebellion against the Government; that all the demands of the South had been practically conceded in recent legislation, and that the Republicans had yielded all that the Southern extremists had insisted upon? [Applause.] And you will observe that no one was more earnest for peace than Mr. Douglas at this period. An ordinary man would have felt the insults and the ingratitude of the Southern politicians, but Douglas, when President Lincoln's inaugural was announced, gave it such a construction as proved his own earnest desire to prevent a collision. Here again he displayed his singular sagacity and boldness; for while the Republican leaders were uncertain how to treat the first Message of the President, he put himself forward, and with an ingenuity and an audacity, too, that attracted general observation, insisted that Mr. Lincoln's policy was that of an amicable adjustment of our national differences. [Applause.] The secret is to be found in his earnest desire to save the people of the South from their leaders—in other words, to keep the Union together, and, as it were, to appeal to the men specially interested in the prosperity of the new Administration, to adopt the same course. It was only when Sumpter fell; it was only when he perceived that all the amicable proffers of the Administration had been coldly rejected by the conspirators against our country's honor; it was only when these conspirators refused to allow the starving garrison at Sumpter to be provisioned that he threw off the mantle of the pacificator and appealed to the God of battles to decide the great question whether we were to have a government or not. [Applause.) Now, if his voice had been for war before, his appeal to his friends throughout the loyal States in that dread hour must have been ineffectual. If he had faltered before the threats of the Southern Disunionists after his nomination for the Presidency in 1860—if he had refused to answer the Norfolk questions as he did answer them—if he had broken up his intended journey into the Southern States when the October elections in Indiana and Pennsylvania made the election of Mr. Lincoln a certainty-if he had not grappled with Breckinridge in the special session of the Senate and pulverized him [great applause] with the massive force of truth and intellect -of what avail would his invocation have been when Sumpter fell? He would have been regarded as a mere instrument of Faction. But when he spoke for war and for the Government, millions rose at his call, and the Administration felt that the country had rallied an element to the standard of the Union which could never be defeated.

The most unjust of all the imputations upon the memory of Douglas, however, is that of recent coinage and circulation.It comes appropriately from those who followed him with obloquy to the grave—from the advocates first of a policy which produced a bitter alienation between the North and the South, and now of secession and separation. Rejecting the last, and

, probably the greatest speech of his life-short, it is true, but a mine of gold in thought and precious example—they now put him forward as the opponent of the righteous cause of his country, and quote him as the defamer of the Government, and by consequence, as the apologist of the men banded for its

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destruction. There is a refined injustice in this aspersion of his fame—a cruelty in this calumny that would dishonor any cause but that which is in itself unrelieved dishonor. Not content with having repaid his long years of service to the Southern people-service in which he displayed the noblest attributes of man-services in rendering which, indeed, he sacrificed his life-with ingratitude as base as that which might be supposed to inflame a recreant son to slay his sleeping father in cold blood, they now attempt to tarnish his memory with the incredible falsehood that he was opposed to the mighty movement which has stirred the ocean of public opinion in the loyal States. [Sensation.] I need only give a single sentence from his last address to the people of Chicago in last May, to establish alike the malevolence of his enemies and the courageous consistency of his patriotism :

“ The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present Secession movement is the result of a tremendous, enormous conspiracy formed more than a year ago. [Cheers.] This conspiracy to break up the Union, was formed by the leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago. They use the slavery question as a means to accomplish their desired end. They desired a Northern man to be elected President by a sectional vote, in order to consider that as evidence that the two sections could not live in peace, and so they might break up the Union. [Applause.] Whenever the history of the last two years shall be written, whenever the history of this country, from the time that the Lecompton Constitution was originated down to the last Presidential election, shall be written, it will appear that the scheme was formed to break up this Union. They desired to break it up, using the slavery question as a pretext. They desired the election of the Republican candidate by a purely Northern vote, against a united

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South, and now assign that fact as a reason why we could not live together. The scheme as agreed upon in Washington last May was for the Disunion candidate to carry every Southern State, and Mr. Lincoln every Northern State, and the Disunionists then were to seize possession of the Federal Government, and issue orders to the army and navy under the seal of the United States. They expected to have possession of the Government, and they relied upon a divided North and a united South to bring civil war to our own doors. The scheme was only defeated by the defeat of the Disunion candidate in Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee, and Virginia. [Applause.] Whenever the history of this country shall be written, it will record that grand conspiracy, and the present Disunion movement as the result of it.

“But this is not the time to go into a discussion of the causes that have produced these results. The conspiracy to break up the Union is a fact now known to all. Armies are being raised and war levied to accomplish it. There can be but two sides to this controversy. [Applause.] EVERY MAN MUST BE ON THE SIDE OF THE UNITED STATES OR AGAINST IT. [Immense applause, cheers, and cries of "Good ! “good ! etc.] There can be no neutrals in this war. [Prolonged cheers.]

“ There can be none but patriots and traitors. [Applause.] Thank God! Illinois will not be divided on that question. [Cheers.] I know that they have expected to present a united South against a divided North. The conspirators have been led to hope that, in the Northern States, it would be made a party question, producing civil war between Democrats and Republicans, and the South being united, could step in with their legions, and help the one to destroy the other, and then conquer the victor. [Laughter and applause.] Their scheme was bloodshed and all the horrors of civil war in every Nor

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