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review of Mr. Doug'as' many crimes against It was this: freedom in Kansas, says: "It is gratifying,

“ Popular sovereignty in Kansag was stricken down however, to make a single remark in his fa- by unholy c mbination in New England to ship men to

Kausas---ROWDIES AND VAGABONDS-wi h the Bible in vor; it is this : that he seems as willing as one hand and Sharpe's rifle in the other, TO SHOT the most ardent of his friends to divert atten- DOWN THE FRIENDS OF FREE INSTITUTIONS tion from this period of his career. I am not

AND SELF GOVERNMENT. Popular sover ignty in

Kansas was stricken dwn by the combinations in the aware that, in either essay or address he has Northern States to carry elections under pretence of ventured to recur to it; but on the contrary, emigrant aid societies. In retaliation, Missouri forined he seems disposed to treat as a blink in his aid societies, ton; and she, following your example, Mr. Hickman has overlooked Mr.

sent men into Kansas, and the occurred the conflict.

I condemn both, but I condemn A TH'USAND FOLD Douglas' speech in the Senate on the 29th of more those that' set the example and struck the first February last, when he repeated the most of blow than those who thought they would act on the fen-ive and disreputable thing he ever said principle of fighting the devil with his own weupons,

and resoried to the same means that you have emconcerning the civil war in that Territory. I ployed." --Cong. Globe, 1859-60, page 9i6.

life.

MR. DOUGLAS BELIEVES IN TIIE HIGHER LAW.

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PART III.--MISCELLANEOUS.

inoculating large numbers of them with the In his Chicago speech of October 23d, 1850, belief that the one is as good, as moral, as in defense of the Fugitive Slave Law, Mr! beneficial as the other.. Douglas said:

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HE THINKS CONGRESS MUST DETERMINE WHEN “ The general proposition that there is a law PARA. MOUNT TO ALL HUMAN ENACTMENTS--the law of POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY SHALL BEGIN IN A the Supreme Ruler of the Universe-I TRUST THAT

TERRITORY. N) CIVILIZ D AND CHRISTIAN PEOPLE IS PREPARED TO QUESTION, MUCH LESS DENY. We In his copyright essay published in Harshould recognize, respect and revere the the Divine per's Magazine last year, Mr. Douglas substanlaw."-Sheuhan's Lisé of Douglus; page 184.

tially admits the Republican doctrine conIt is true that Mr. Douglas went on to argue cerning the relation of Congress to the that the Divine law does not prescribe the Teritories, by saying: forms of human government, but all his sub

It. [sovereignty) can only be exercised WHERE seqnent logic is not a match for the plain, une- THERE ARE INHABITANTS SUFFICIENT TO CUN. quivocal statement here given that there is STITUTE A GOVERNMENT, AND CAPABLE OF

PERFORMING ITS VARIOUS FUNCTIONS AND a law paramount to all human enactments ! ”

DUTIES-A FACT TO BE ASCERTAINED AND

DETERMINED BY CONGRESS. WHETHER HE DON'T CARE WHETHER SLAVERY IS VOTED THE NUMBER SH LL BE FIXED AT TEN, FIF

'I EEN OR TWENTY THOUSAND INHABITANTS, DOWN OR VOTED UP.

DOES NOT AFFEUT THE PRINCIPLE." It was with this epigramma ic phrase that If the number may be fixed at ten, fifteen Mr. Douglas sigoalized his objection to the or twenty thousand inhabita: tt, it may of Lec'ompton Constitution on the 9th of Decem

course be fixed at one hundred thousand or ber, 1857, when he sp ke as follows:

any other number sufficient to cons.itute a “But I am told on all sides; "oh! just wait; the State. pro-slavery clause will be voted down.' 'That does not obviate any of my obligations; it does not diminish any of them. You have no more right to force a Free

HE IS UTTERLY OPPOSED TO SQUATTER SOVState Constitution on Kansas than a Slave State Con

EREIGNTY." stitution. If Kansas wants a Slave state Constitution, she has a right to it; if she wants a Free State Con

In a colloquy with Senators Davis and si itution, she has a right to it. It is none of my busi- Gwin, in the Senate, o.1 the 17 h of May, 1860, ness which way the slavery clause is decided. I CARE Mr. Douglas utterly repudiated squaiter suvNOT WHETHER IT IS VOTED DOWN OR VOTED UP."-Cong. Globe, 1857-58, purt 1, puge 18.

ereignty,” in the following words : It is in material whether we take this phrase invented by the Sevator and those with whom he acts,

“ Regarding Squatter Sovereignty as a nickname as an expression of Mr. Douglas' opinions on

which I have never recogniz d, I must leave him to de. the abstract question of slavery, or as a defini. fine the meaning of his own term. I have denounced tion of the views which he seeks to impress Squatter Sovereignty when you find it setting up a

government in violation of law, as you do now at Pike's upon his followers as a leader of the Demo

Peak. I denounced it this year. When you find an cratic party, and to incorporate in the legisla unauthorized Legislature, in violation of law, se ting tion of the country as a Senator and a states- up a government without sanction of Congress or Court,

There man. Yet if there is any moral difference be- that is Squatter Sovereignty which I oppose.

is the case of Dakotah, where you have left a tween the two ideas, it is, doubtless, in favor whole people without any law or Territorial organizaof the former. As an individual he may tion, with no mode of appeal from squatter Courts to deem slavery as good a thing as freedom, the United States Courts to correct their d cisions without exercising any wide-spread influ'nce tutin and laws of the United States. There is a simi

that is Squatter Sovereignty in violation of the Constifor harm. As a Senator, he cannot vote that lar governm-nt set up over a part of California and a slavery is as good as fre dom, without stamp- part of the Territory of Utah, called Nevada. ing the legislation of his country with that have denounced that as unlawful. I am opposed to all

“It has a delegate here. claiming to represent it. I baleful idea. As the leader of a numerou par such Squatter Sovereignty. If that is whit the Senaty, he cannot instil in his followers the princi- tor referred to, I am against it., All I say is, the people that they ought not to care whether sla. ple of a Territory, when they have become organized

under the Constitution and laws, have legislative power very be voted down or voted up, without over all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with

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the Constitution of the United States. That is the lan- | THER IT MAY OR MAY NOT GO INTO A TERRI. guage of the law, and if they exercise legislative powers TORY UNDER THE CONSTITUTION, THE PEOPLE on any subject inconsistent with the Constitution of the HAVE THE LAWFUL MEAN TO INTRODUCE IT United Sates, the Courts, to whom appeal may be taken OR EXCLUDE IT AS THEY PLEASE, for the reason under the laws, will correct their errors. That is all. that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, un. -Cong, Glove, 1859-60; page, 2147.

less it is supported by police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legis.

lature, and if the people are opposed to slavery they HR REPUDIATES TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY, ALSO.

will elect represe tatives to that body who will by The fol owing extract from Mr. Douglas' unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduc.

tion of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they letter in reply to Judge Black's criticism on

are for it, their. legislation will favor its extension. his Harper's Magazine Essay, puts everything Hence, NO MATTER WHAT THE DECISION or at sixes and sevens again as regards his views THE SUPREME COURT MAY BE on that abstract of the sovereignty which belongs to the people question, still the right of the people to make a slave

Territory or a free Territory is perfect and complete of a Territory. In that letter he says: under the Nebraska bill.. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems

“I have never said or thought that our Territories my answer sitisfactory on that point.”Lincoln and were sovereign political communities, or even limited Douglas Debutes, page 35. sovereigntits like the States of this Union.”

Let the reader contrast these utterances And again, in a colloquy with Mr. Clay, of with the Wickliffe resolution, adopted by the Alabama, in the Senate, February 23d, 1859, Douglas National Convention, and Mr. Doug. he was still more explicit in denying sover-| las' letter of acceptance, (page 7, ante). eigniy to the Territories :

“I will answer the Senator's question. First-I do A QUESTION WHICH HE WILL NOT ANSWER. not hold that squatter sovereignty is superi r to the Constitution. I HOLD THAT NO SUCH THING AS

In his colloquy with Mr. Davis, in the Sen. SOVEREIGN POWER ATTACHES TO A TERRI- ate, M:y 17th, 1860, Mr Douglus refused to TORY WHILE A TERRITORY. I hold that a Terri.

answer the question whether he would or tory possesses whatever power it derives from the Con

would not sign a bill to protect slave proper. stitution, under the organic act, and no more. I hold that all the power that a Territorial Legislature posses.

ty in the Territories, if he were President of ses is derived from th- Consti'ution andis amendments, the United States. This is a question which under the act of Congress; and because I held that, Ihas an immediate and special significance, denied last year that the people of a Territory, without the consent of Congress, could a-gemble at Lecompton and one which each voter has a right to put to and create an organic law for that people. I denied the Mr. Douglas and every other candidate for validity of your Lecompton Constitution, for the reason President or Vice-President. Fortunately we that constitutions can only be made by sovereign power; have Mr. Douglas' reply, or his refusal to and because the Territory was not a sovereignty, that was not a constitution but a petition."-Cong. Globe, reply on record. The colloquy was as follows: 1859-59, part 2, page 1246.

“Mr. Davis-If it will not embarass the Senator, I It will be noticed, also, that in these re- would ask him, if, as Chief Executive of the United marks, Mr. Douglas supplied a link hitherto States, he would sign a bill to protect slave property in missing in the chiin which binds him to the State, Territory or District of Columbia--an act of Con

gress. Dred Scott decision. It is this: the Supreme “MR. DOUGLAS-It will be time enough for me or any Court say that whereas Congress cannot proposition to execute the power.

other man to say what bills he will sign when he is in & hibit slavery in the Territory, it cannot dele

“MR. Davis-I shall not ask you a question further gate such power to a Territorial Legislature. than you wish to answer-certainly not. Mr. Douglas steps in at this point and says he pleases, and I shall answer them when I please ; but

MR. DOUGLAS--The Senator can ask all the questions that all the powers vested in a Territory are

I was going to say that I do not recognize the right to derived through the act of Congress organiz- catechise me in this way. The Senator has no right to ing it. They have no powers that are not so do it after sneering at my pretensions to the place which derived. Hence if Congress cannot prohibit he assumes that I desire to occupy:

“MR. DAVIS-I grant the Senator the right not to an slavery in a Territory, neither can the people swer the question, though it seemed to me to be leading of the Territory do so by any means whatever. very directly up to an exact understanding between us

as to what he meant by non-intervention. I, however,

wiil not press that, or any other question, against his UNFRIENDLY LEGISLATION.

wishes."-Cong. Globe, 1859-60; puge,

2147. The doctrine of "unfriendly legislation” against the rights of property, as declared by MR. DOUGLAS' views of national PARTIES AND the Dred Scott decision, vas promulgated by

NATIONAL CREEDS. Mr. Douglas in his debate with Mr. Lincoln, Since Mr. Herschel V. Johnson has been at Freeport, on the 23th of August, 1858, as hooted down by a mob in his own State, and follows:

since the creed of the Douglas puty has been The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lin-tabooed in at least one-thiid of the States of coln is, can the people of a Territory in any lawful Union, it will be interesting to all persons to way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United learn the views of nationality entertaived by States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a Constitution? I answer emphatically, Mr. Donglas himself; and it is difficult to find as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times a broader joke with which to conclude this from every stump in Illinois

, that in my opinion the pleasing compilation. We close by quoting the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a from his speech at Cincinnati, on ihe 9th of State Constitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had an September, 1859, as reported in the New York swered that question over and over again. He heard Times of Sept. 12th: me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, and he has no "ANY POLITICAL CREED IS RADICALLY excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to my position WRONG WHICH CANNOT BE PROCLAIMED IN on that question. IT MATTERS NOT WHAT WAY THE SAME FORM WHEREVER THE AMERICAN THE SUVREME COURT MAY HEREAFTER DE- AG

OR THE AMERICAN CONSTITU. CIDE AS TO THE ABSTRACT QUESTION WHE- TION RULES.”

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review of Mr. Doug'as' many crimes against It was this: freedom in Kansas, says: “It is g'atifying, Popular sovereignty in Kangag was stricken down however, to make a single remark in his fa- by unholy combination in New England to slıip men to

Kausas--ROWDIES AND VAGABONDS-wi h the Bible in vor; it is this: that he seems as willing as

one hand and Sharpe's rifle in the other, TO SHOT the most ardent of his friends to divert atten- DOWN THE FRIENDS OF FREE INSTITUTIONS tion from this period of his career. I am not

AND SELF GOVERNMENT. Popular sıver ignty in aware that, in either essay or a dress he has Northern States to carry elections under pretence of

Kansas was stricken dwn by the combinations in the ventured to recur to it; but on the contrary, emigrant aid societies. In retaliation, Missouri forined he seems disposed to treat as a blink in his aid societies, ton; and she, following your example, life.” Mr. Hickman has overlooked Mr.

sent men into Kansas, and th-1) occurred the conflict.

I cordemn both, but I condemn A TH USAND FOLD Douglas' speech in the Senate on the 29th of more those that set the example and struck the first February last, when he repeated the most of blow than those who thought they would act on the fen-ive and disre putable thing he ever said principle of fighting the devil with his own weapons,

means that you have emconcerning the civil war in that Territory. I ployed.”--Cong. Globe, 1859-60, page 9i6.

TERRITORY.

DOWN OR VOTED UP.

PART III.-MISCELLANEOUS. MR. DOUGLAS BELIEVES IN THE HIGHER LAW. inoculating large numbers of them with the

In bis Chicago speech of October 23d, 1850, belief that the one is as good, as moral, as in defense of the Fugitive Slave Law, Mr. beneficial as the other.. Donglas said:

HE THINKS CONGRESS MUST DETERMINE WHEN "The general proposition that there is a law PARA. MOUNT TO ALL HUMAN ENACTMENTS--the law of

POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY SHALL BEGIN IN A the Supreme Ruler of the Universe--I TRUST THAT NI CIVILIZ D AND CHRISTIAN PEOPLE IS PREPARED TO QUESTION, MUCH LESS DENY. We

In his copyright essay published in Harshould recognize, respect and revere the the Divine per's Magazine last year, Mr. Douglas substanlaw."-Sheuhan's Life of Douglus; page 184. tially admits the Republican doctrine con

It is true that Mr. Douglas went on to argue cerning the relation of Congress to the that the Divine law does not prescribe the Teritories, by saying: forms of human government, but all his sub

It. [sovereignty] can only be exercised WHERE sequent logic is not a match for the plain, une- THERE ARE INHABITANTS SUFFICIENT TO CUNquivocal statement here given that "there is | STITUTE A GOVERNMENT, AND CAPABLE OF

PERFORMING ITS VARIOUS FUNCTIONS AND a law paramount to all human enactments ! ”

DUTIES-A FACT TO BE ASCERTAINED AND

DETERMINED BY CONGRESS. WHETHER HE DON'T CARE WHETHER SLAVERY IS VOTED

THE NUMBER SH LL BE FIXED AT TEN, FIF1 EEN OR TWENTY THOUSAND INHABITANTS,

DOES NOT AFFECT THE PRINCIPLE." It was with this epigramma ic phrase that If the number may be fixed at ten, fifteen Mr. Douglas sigoalized his objection to the or twenty thousand inhabita' tt, it may of Lecompton Constitution on the 9th of Decem-course be fixed at one hundred thousand or ber, 1857, when he sp ke as follows:

any other number sufficient to cons.itute a " But I am told on all sides; 'oh! jast walt; the State. pro-slavery clause will be voted down.' That does not obviate any of my obligations; it does not diminish any of them. You have no more right to force a Free

HE IS UTTERLY OPPOSED TO SQUATTER SOVState Constitution on Kangas than a slave State Con

EREIGNTY." stitution. If Kansas wants a Slave state Constitution, she has a right to it; if she wants a Free State Con- In a colloquy with Senators Davis and stitution, she has a right to it. It is none of my busi. Gwin, in the Senate, o.: the 17 h of May, 1860, ness which way the slavery clause is decided. I CARE Mr. Douglas utterly repudiated squatter suvNOT WHETHER IT IS VOTED DOWN OR VOTED UP.”—Cong. Globe, 1857-58, purt 1, puge 18.

ereignty,” in the following words : It is in material wherher we take this phrase invented by the Senator and those with whom he acts,

“ Regarding Squatter Sovereignty as a nickname as an expression of Mr. Douglas' opinions on

which I have never recogniz d, I must leave him to dethe abstract question of slavery, or as a defini- fine the meaning of his own term. I have denounced tion of the views which he seeks to impress Squatter Sovereignty when you find it setting up a upon his followers as a leader of the Demo- government in violation of law, as you do now at Pike's

Peak. I denounced it this year. When you find an cratic party, and to incorporate in the legisla- unauthorized Legislature, in violation of law, se ting tion of the country as il Senator and a states- up a govertiment without sanction of Congress or Court, man. Yet if there is any moral difference be

that is Squatter Sovereignty which I oppose. There

is the case of Dakotah, where you have left a tween the two ideas, it is, doubtless, in favor whole people without any law or Territorial organizaof the former. As an individual he may tion, with no mode of appeal from squatter Courts to deem slavery as good a thing as freedom, the United States Courts to correct their d.cisions to without exercising any wide-spread influ'nce tution and laws of the United States.

that is Squatter Sovereignty in violation of the Consti

There is a simifor harm. As a Senator, he cannot vote that lar governm-nt set up over a part of California and a slavery is as good as fre 'dom, without stamp- part of the Territory of Utah, called Nevada. ing the legislation of his country with that have denounced that as unlawful.

“It has a delegate here, claiming to represent it. I

I am opposed to all baleful idea. As the leader of a numerouz par- such Squatter Sovereignty. If that is whit the Senaty, be cannot instil in his followers the princi- tor referred to), I am against it. All I say is, the people that they ought not to care whether sla- ple of a Territory, when they have become organized

under the Constitution and laws, have legislative power very voted down or voted up, without over all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with

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the Constitution of the United States. That is the lan- THER IT MAY OR MAY NOT GO INTO A TERRI. guage of the law, and if they exercise legislative powers TORY UNDER THE CONSTITUTION, THE PEOPLE on any subject inconsistent with the Constitution of the HAVE THE LAWFUL MEAN TO INTRODUCE IT United Sates, the Courts, to whom appeal may be taken OR EXCLUDE IT AS THEY PLEASE, for the reason under the laws, will correct their errorg. That is all. that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, un. -Cong, Globe, 1859-60; page, 2147.

less it is supported by police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legis.

lature, and if the people are opposed to slavery they HR REPUDIATES TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY, ALSO.

will elect represer tatives to that body who will by The fol owing extract from Mr. Douglas' unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduc.

tion of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they letter in reply to Judge Black's criticism on

are for it, their, legislation will favor its extension. his Harper's Magazine Essay, puts everything Hence, NO MATTER WHAT THIE DECISION OF at sixes and sevens again as regards his views

THE SUPREME COURT MAY BE on that abstract of the sovereignty which belongs to the people

question, still the right of the people to make a slave

Territory or a free Territory is perfect and complete of a Territory. In that letter he says: under the Nebraska bill.. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems

“I have never said or thought that our Territories my answer satisfactory on that point.”Lincoln and were sovereign political communities, or even limited Douglas Debates, page 95. sovereignties like the States of this Union."

Let the reader contrast these utterances And again, in a colloquy with Mr. Clay, of with the Wickliffe resolution, adopted by the Alabama, in the Senate, February 23d, 1859, Douglas National Convention, and Mr. Doug. he was still more explicit in denying sover-| las' letter of acceptance, (page 7, ante). eign'y to the Territories:

I will answer the Senator's question. First-I do A QUESTION WHICH HE WILL NOT ANSWER. not hold that squatter sovereignty is superii r to the Constitution. I HOLD THAT NO SUCH THING AS

In his colloquy with Mr. Davis, in the Sen. SOVEREIGN POWER ATTACHES TO A TERRI ate, May 17th, 1860, Mr. Douglus refused to TORY WHILE A TERRITORY. I hold that a Terri. auswer the question whether he would or tory possesses whatever power it derives from the Con.

would not sign a bill to protect slave proper. stitution, under the organic act, and no more. I hold that all the power that a Territorial Legislature posses. ty in the Territories, if he were Pres dent of ses is derived from the Constii ution and iis amendments, the United States. This is a question which under the act of Congress; and because I held that, I has an immediate and special significance, denied last year that the people of a Territory, without the consent of Congress, could a-semble at Lecompton

and one which each voter has a right to put to and create an organic law for that people. I denied the Mr. Douglas and every other candidare for validity of your Lecompton Constitution, for the reason President or Vice-President. Fortunately we that constitutions can only be made by sovereign power; have Mr. Douglas' reply, or his refusal to and because the Territory was not a sovereignty, that was not a constitution but a petition."-Cong. Globe, reply on record. The colloquy was as follows: 1859-59, part 2, page 1246.

“MR. Davis-If it will not embara-s the Senator, I It will be noticed, also, that in these re- would ask him, if, as Chief Executive of the United marks, Mr. Douglas supplied a link hitherto

States, he would sign a bill to protect slave property in

State, Territory or District of Columbia--an act of Conmissing in the chiin which binds him to the

gress. Dred Scott decision. It is this: the Supreme “MR. DOUGLAS--It will be time enough for me or any Court say that whereas Congress cannot pro

other man to say what bills he will sign when he is in a

position to execute the power. hibit slavery in the Territory, it cannot dele

“MR. DAVIS-I shall not ask you a question further gate such power to a Territorial Legislature. than you wish to answer-certainly not. Mr. Douglas steps in at this point and says

MR. Douglas—The Senator can ask all the questions that all the powers vested in a Territory are

he pleases, and I shall answer them when I please; but

I was going to say that I do not recognize the right to derived through the act of Congress organiz- catechise me in this way. The Senator has no right to ing it. They have no powers that are not so do it after sneering at my pretensions to the place which derived. Hence

he assumes that I desire to occupy. Congress cannot prohibit

"MR. DAVIS-I grant the Senator the right not to an. slavery in a Territory, neither can the people swer the question, though it seemed to me to be leading of the Territory do so by any means whatever. very direcily up to an exact understanding between us

as to what he meant by non-intervention. I, however,

wiil not press that, or any other question, against his UNFRIENDLY LEGISLATION.

wishes."-Cong. Globe, 1859-60; puge, 2147. The doctrine of “unfriendly legislation against the rights of property, as declared by

MR. DOUGLAS' VIEWS OF NATIONAL PARTIES AND the Dred Scott decision, vas promulgated by

NATIONAL CREEDS. Mr. Douglas in his debate with Mr. Lincoln, Since Mr. Herschel V. Johnson has been at Freeport, on the 23th of August, 1858, as hooted down by a mob in his own State, and follows:

since the creed of the Douglas party has been The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lin-tabooed in at least one-third of the States of coln is, can the people of a Territory in any lawful Union, it will be interesting to all persons to way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United learn the views of nationality entertained by States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a Constitution ? I answer emphatically,

Mr. Donglas himself; and it is difficult to find as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times a broader joke with which to conclude this from every stump in Illinois, that in my opinion the pleasing compilation. We close by quoting the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a from his speech at Cincinnati, on ihe 9th of State Constitution. Mr. Lir.coln knew that I had an- September, 1859, as reported in the New York swered that question over and over again. He heard Times of Sept. 12th: me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, and he has no

"ANY POLITICAL CREED 18 RADICALLY excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to my position

WRONG WHICH CANNOT BE PROCLAIMED IN on that question. IT MATTER3 NOT WHAT WAY THE SAME FORM WHEREVER THE AMERICAN THE SUPREME COURT MAY HEREAFTER DE- FLAG WAVES OR THE AMERICAN CONSTITU. CIDE AS TO THE ABSTRACT QUESTION WHE- TION RULES.”

TERMS-$10 PER THOUSAND.-Address, with Cash,

RICKER & CROCKETT, Publishers, Boston, Mass. 1800, Selt. 24. 6

At. 16.1857.).

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It is fortunate for the country, that, in the 1852, and the Territories of Kansas and Nemidst of a political crisis like the present, the braska were organized on the same basis in great issues are so distinctly made up that no 1854. Subsequently, in 1857, the Supreme man need misunderstand them. The whole Court expressed the opinion which all citizens excitement is about the political relations to the alike concur in and accept, that slaveholders general government of the Negro Question ; can emigrate with their slaves to the Territoit has been fanned into a flame by the persistent ries, for all the power Congress had to free the discussions and harangues of public men, latter when there, and, of course, leaving it North and South, and will not permit the atten- with the inhabitants of the Territories, through tion of the country to be turned to any legiti- their legislatures, to extend the local protecmate topic of legislation until it has first been tion such peculiar property requires, or to allayed.

refuse it that protection altogether. Thus, There are two ultra, extreme, and fanatical then, were these two points adjusted and underparties to this question, which is the reason why stood by the country: first, that slaveholders it has become so threatening in its aspects: the might take their slaves with them into the TerRepublicans of the North, declaring their fixed ritories, if they chose; but, second, that they determination to keep Slavery out of the com- must look to the people there to give slaves a mon Territories by Congressional legislation, local property value, or their peculiar claims to and by such legislatici only,—although the high- them were not assured : and it is solely upon est judicial tribunal of the country has declared these points that the party occupying a safe that Congress possesses no such prohibitory constitutional ground between the extremists of authority, and although they know very well, the North and South has taken its stand in the too, that no such legislation is possible; and present campaign and crisis. the Disunionists of the South insisting, on their The position of that party, therefore, is just side, that Congress shall pass laws to protect this:-the People of the Territories are alone slave property in the Territories, after it is to say whether Slavery shall exist as an institaken into them, on the admitted ground that tution among them, or not; and, constitutionwithout such positive protection by law Slavery ally, they will say so, while yet in a Territorial could not exist. The first party would legislate condition, either by enacting positive local laws Slavery out of the Territories,—the second for its protection, or by refusing to enact such party would legislate it in. And this is the laws at all. Without such protective legislawhole cause and origin of the present excite- tion, it is conceded on all sides, North and ment, which threatens to engulf every thing South, that it can have no existence. In this which the human race holds precious, in gen- way the dangerous agitation is taken out of eral ruin. It is plain enough that between these Congress, and the whole matter left, for the two extremes, each of which has gained such people themselves to settle, on a strict constiominous strength and magnitude, there can be tutional basis. For if the settlers, from considno common understanding. Each professes to erations based on climate and soil, believe that have drawn the sword and thrown away the negro labor is likely to be for their interest, it scabbard. It is likewise just as plain that a is manifestly proper that they should assume the safe and constitutional course for the great body responsibility of establishing it as a system; but of the people, in this emergency, must lie in it, on the other hand, they are averse to such a peither one path nor the other, but somewhere system,—whether from moral reasons, or from between them, and, as it happens, in a plain motives of interest, or both,—they will fail to and well-understood measure to which each extend to it that protection without which it extreme has already once agreed.

can have no certain existence in any locality The Compromises of 1850 were solemnly whatever. And they who choose to take propsubscribed to, after long and patient discussion, erty of so purely local a character with them by the oldest and wisest statesmen of the time. into the common Territories, will do it with the On their basis, it was agreed that, for the future, knowledge beforehand that if enough others of all legislation by Congress respecting the status the inhabitants are not of their own mind, they of slavery in the Territories should be aban- cannot demand, or expect, the passage of such doned; the entire subject was to be remanded laws as that sort of property requires for an to the people of the Territories for their deter- existence. mination, who, being on the ground and most Nothing is more easy than for moralists, who. immediately interested, would be likely to know are apt to go off at half-cock, to declaim what they really wanted much beiter than against the justice and righteousness of such a members of Congress in Washington could position in political matters; but until they can know for them. To this pacific, fair, and sensi- themselves furnish a fairer, better

, and, all the ble plan, the whole country in turn assented in /while, more practical policy, based, too, on

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