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July. It is to be observed that in this matter Mr. Douglas has outrun the Dred Scott decis ion itself, which, after quoting the language of the Declaration of Indepe dence, says:

"The general words above quoted would seem to embrace the whole human family, and if they were used in a similar instrument at this day, would be so understood. But it is too clear for dispute, that the enslaved African race were not intended to be included, and formed no part of the people who framed and adopted this declaration."

Can any one fail to comprehend this clear and logical chain of evidence? At the time when Douglas and Toombs were at work on th ir precious conspiracy, Kansas was in the hands of the Border Ruffians. and entirely at their mercy. The Territorial office holders were nearly all assassins and outlaws. The Federal troops were either assisting or conniving at the Missouri invasion. Under these circumstances is there any doubt what kind of a Constitution would have been made by the Buford-Atchison gang who were then ravaging HE SAYS SLAVERY IS IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE Kansas, when they understood perfectly that their act would be conclusive of the destinies of the Territory, and when Douglas hd especially provided that "until the complete execution of the act, no other election shall be held in the Territory ?"

HE ENDORSES THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION IN
ADVANCE.

On the 12th of June, 1857, Mr. Douglas made his "Grand Jury" speech, so-called, at Springfield, to which one reference has already been made. The following extracts from this speech are taken from the phonographic report published in the Missouri Republican of June 18th, 1857. The famous Lecompton Convention had just been called by the bogus Legislature, and on this topic he spoke as follows: "Kansas is about to speak for herself through her delegates assembled in convention to form a constitution, preparatory to her admission into the Union on an equal footing with the original States. Peace and prosperity now prevail throughout her borders. The law under which her delegates are to be elected is believed to be just and fair in all its objects and provisions. If any po tion of the inhabitants, acting under the advice of political leaders in distant States, shall choose to absent themselves from the polls, and withhold their votes, with a view of leaving the Free State Democrats in a minority, and thus securing a pro-slavery constitution in opposition to a majority of the people living under it, let the responsibility rest on those who, for partisan purposes, will sacrifice the principles they profess to cherish and promote."

RULES OF CIVILIZATION AND CHRISTIANITY.

In the same speech Mr. Douglas gave utterance to the following atrocious sentiments on slavery in the abstract:

"At that day the negro was looked upon as a being of an inferior race. All history had proved that in no part of the world or the world's history, had the negro ever shown himself capable of self-government, and it was not the intention of the founders of this government to viola e that gr at law of God which ade the distinction between the white and the black man. That

distinction is plain and palpable, and it has been the rule of civilization and christianity the world over, that whenever any man or set of men were incapable of taking care of themselves, they should consent to be governed by those who are cupable of managing their affairs for them."

In revising the Missouri Republican's report of this speech, for publication in the State Register, Mr. Douglas or some di creet friend omitted this obnoxious paragraph. But that does not relieve him from the responsibility of it, because we find the s me idea, in nearly October 23d, 1850, as published in Sheahan's the same langu ge, in his Chicago speech of Life of Douglas, to-wit:

"The civilized world have always held that when by ignorance, superstition, cruelty and barbarism as to any race of men have shown themselves so degraded be utterly incapable of governing themselves, they must, in the nature of things, be governed by others, by such laws as are deemed applicable to their condition."-[Sheahan's Life of Douglas, page 184]

This is popular sovereignty with a venge

ance!

HE

SAYS THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE WAS NOT INTENDED TO INCLUDE 66 ALL MEN." In the same speech, Mr. Douglas ventilated his views of the Declaration of Independence, as follows:

"The signers of the Declaration of Independence, referred to white man, and to him alone, when they declared that all men were created equal. They were in a struggle with Great Britain. The principle they were asserting was 1HAT A BRITISH SUBJECT BORN ON AMERICAN SOIL, WAS EQUAL TO A BRITISH SUBJECT BORN IN ENGI AND -that a British subject here, was entitled to all the rights, privileges, and immunities, under the Fritish Constitution that a British subject in England enjoyed; that their rights were inalienable, and hence, that Parliament, whose power was omnipotent, had no power to alienate them."

It appears thus, that in Mr. Douglas' opinion not only the African race, but the German, Italian, French, Scandinavian, and, indeed, every nation except the English, Irish, Scotch and American, are excluded from all part or lot in the Declaration of Independence. The phrase "all men," does not refer to them. They have no business with the Fourth of

HE URGES THAT SLAVERY SHOULD LAST FOREVER.

In his joint debate with Mr. Lincoln, at Quincy, Illinois, Mr. Douglas frankly co fessed that his " great principle" contemplated that slavery should last forever. He said:

"In this State we have declared that a negro shall not be a citizen and we have also declared that he shall not be a slave. We had a right to adopt that policy. Missouri has just as good a right to adopt the other policy. I am now speaking of rights under the Constitution, and not of moral or religious rights. I do not discuss the morals of the people of Missouri, but let them settle that matter for themselves. 1 hold that the people of the slaveholding States are civilized men as well as ourselves; that they bear consciences as well as we, and that they are accountable to God and their posterity, and not to us. It is for them to decide, question for themselves within their own limits. therefore, the moral and religious right of the slavery I assert that they had as much right under the Constitution to adopt the system of policy which they have, as we So it is with every other State in had to adopt ours. this Union. Let each State stand firmly by that great Constitutional right, let each State mind its own business and let its neighbors alone, and there will be no principle, then Mr. Lincoln will find that his Republic trouble on this question. If we will stand by that CAN EXIST FOREVER DIVIDED INTO FREE AND

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SLAVE STATES as our fathers made it and the people of each State have decided."-[Lincoln and Douglas Debates of 1858-page 209.]

Again; in his Sedition Law speech, of January 23d, 1860, he argued for the perpetuity of slavery as follows:

"Mr. Lincoln says:-'A house divided against itself cannot stand. I beli ve this Government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free.'

"What is the meaning of that language, unless it is that the Union cannot permanently exist, half slave and half free-that it must all become one thing or all become the oth r! The declaration is that the North must combine as a sectional party, and cary on the agitation so fiercely, up to the very borders of the slaveholding States, that the master dire not sleep at night for fear that the robbers, the John Browns, will come and set his house on fire, and murder the women and children before morning. It is to surround the slaveholding States by a cordon of free States, to use the language of the Senator; to hem them in, in order that you may smother them out. The Senator avowed, in his speech to-day, their object to be to hem in the slave States, in order that slavery may die out. How die out? Confine it to its present limits; let the ratio of increase go on by the laws of nature; and just in proportion as the lands in the slaveholding States wear out, the negroes increase, and you wil soon reach that point where the soil will not produce enough to feed the slaves; ther hem them in, and let them starve out, let them die out by starva ion. This is the policy-hem them is, and starve them out. Do as the French did in Algeria, when the Arabs took to the caverns-smoke them out, by making fir s at the mouths of the caverns, and keep them burning until they die. The policy is, to keep up this agitation along the line; make slave property insecure in the border States; keep the master con-tantly in apprehension of assault till he will consent to abandon his native country, leaving his slaves behind him, or to remove them further South. If you can force Kentucky thus to abolish slavery, you make Tennessee the border State, and begin the same operation upon her.

"Sir, I confess the object of the legislation I contemplate, is to put down this outside interference; it is to repress this irrepressible conflict; it is to bring the Government back to the true principles of the Constitution, and let each people in this Union rest secure in the enjoyment of domestic tranquility, without apprehension from neighboring States."-Cong. Globe, 1859-60, pages 553, 554.

HE THINKS SLAVERY IS A MERE QUESTION OF DOLLARS AND CENTS.

Shortly after the Illinois election of 1858, Mr. Douglas made a southern tour, stopping at St. Louis, Memphis, and New Orleans, and address ng the people at those places on political topics. He spoke at Memphis, on the 29th of November, and the following is an extract from his speech as reported phonographically in the Memphis Avalanche:

"Whenever a Territory has a climat soil and productions making it the interest of the inhabitants to encourage slave property they will pass a slave code and give it encouragement. Whenever the climate, soil and productions preclude the possibility of slavery be ing profitable, they will not permit it. YOU COME RIGHT BACK TO THE PRINC PLE OF DOLLARS AND CENTS. I do not care where the immigration in the southern country comes from;-if old Joshua R. Giddings should raise a colony in Ohio and settle down in Louisiana, he would be the strongest advocate of Slavery in the whole South; he would find, when he got there, his opinion of slavery would be very much modified; he would find on those sugar plantations that it was not a question between the white man and the negro but between the negro and the crocodile. He would say that between the negro and the crocodile he took the side of the negro; but between the negro and the white man, he would go for the white man."

Again, in his speech of February 29th, 1860, in the Senate, in the course of his assault on Senator Seward, he said:

"We in Illinois tried Slavery while we were a Territory, and found it was not profitable; and hence we turned philanthropists and abolished it.".-Congressional Globe, 1859-60; page 915.

And again in the same discussion:

"But they, (the people of Illinois,) said 'experience proves that it is not going to be profitable in this climate.' They had no scruples about it. Every one of them was nursed by it. His father and his mother held slaves. They had no scruple about its being right, but they said, 'we cannot make any money by it, and as our State runs away off north, up to those eternal snows, perhaps we shll gain population faster if we stop Slavery and invite in the Northern population;' and as a matter of political policy, State policy, they prohibited Slav ry themselves."-Cong, essional Globe 1859-60; page 919.

HE SAYS THE ALMIGHTY HAS REQUIRED THE EXISTENCE OF SLAVERY!

In the Memphis speech, following immediately after the extract quot d above, from the Avalanche, comes the following blasphemous declaration :

"The Almighty has drawn the line on this continent

ON ONE SIDE OF WHICH THE SOIL MUST BE CULTIVATED BY

SLAVE LABOR. That line did not run on thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, for thirty-six degrees and leys. But this Slave line meanders in the sugar fields thirty minutes runs over mountains and through valand plantations of the South-[the remainder of the sentence was lost by the confusion around the reporter.] An the people living in the different localities and in the Territories must determine for themselves whether their middle bed' is best adapted for slave or free labor."

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On the 6th of December, 1858, Mr. Douglas sp ke at New Orleans. The following quot ation from his speech is taken from the report in the New Orleans Delta:

"I, in common with the Democracy of Illinois, accept the Dred Scot decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the Dred Scott case, as an authoritative exposition of the Constitution. Whatever limitations the Constituti n, as expounded by the Courts, impose on the authority of a Territorial Legislature, we cheerfully recognize and respect in conformity with that decision. Slaves are recognized as property, and placed on an equal footing with all other prop erty. Hence, the owner of Slaves-the same us the owner of any other species of property has a right to remove to a Territory and carry his property with him."

HE REPEATS THAT SLAVES MAY BE TAKEN TO THE TERRITORIES LIKE OTHER PROPERTY.

Some of the Douglas organs in the North have undertaken to say that their champion never uttered the words quoted above from his New Orleans speech. They will hardly deny, however, that he repeated it even more offensively in the Senate, on the 23d of February, 1859, in a debate with Jeff. when he said: Davis,

"I do not put Slavery on a different footing from other property. I recognize it as property under what is understood to be the decision of the Supr me Court. I argue that the owner of slaves HAS THE SAME RIGHT TO REMOVE TO THE TERRITORIES AND CARRY HIS SLAVE PROPERTY WITH HIM AS

THE OWNER OF ANY OTHER SPECIES OF PROPERTY, and hold the same, subject to such local laws as the Territor al Legistature may Constitutional y pass, and if any person shall feel aggrieved by such local legislation, he may appeal to the Supreme Court to test the validity of such laws. I recognize slave property to be on an equality with all other property, and apply the same rules to it I will not apply one rule to slave property and another to all other kind of property."-Congressional Globe, 1858-9, part 2, page 1256.

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"When the Supreme Court shall decide upon the constitutionality of the local [Territorial] laws, I AM PREPARED TO ABIDE BY THE DECISION WHATEVER IT MAY BE, AND HAVE IT EXECUTED IN GOOD FAITH AS WELL AS IN OTHER CASES." Congressional Globe, 1858-59, part 2, page 1259.

And again, in his speech of May 16th, 1860, having read the Tennessee Compromise resolution offered at the Charleston Convention,

which was as follows:

"That all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, and that under the decision of the Supreme Court which we recognize as an exposition of the Constitution, neither their rights of person or property can be destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation,"

-he proceeded to remark:

"The second proposition is, that a right of person or property, secured by the Constitution, cannot be taken away by act of Congress or of the Territorial Legislature. Who ever dreamed that either Congress or a

Territorial Legislature, or any other legislative body on earth could destroy or impair any right guaranteed or secured by the Constitution? No man that I know of."-Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1859-60, page 316.

HE TELLS HOW TO CARRY OUT SUPREME COURT SOVEREIGNTY.

In his letter replying to Judge Black's criticism on his Harper's Magazine article, Mr. Douglas took pains to tell what he deemed all persons obliged to do who hold that slavery exists in the Territories by virtue of the Contel's how to carry out Supreme Court Sovereignty, as follows: stitution. He said:

"In that article, without assailing any one, or impugning any man's motive, I demonstrated, beyond the possibi ity of cavil or dispute, if slavery exists in the Territories by virtue of the Constitution, the conclusion is inevitable and irresistible, THAT IT IS THE IMPERATIVE DUTY OF CONGRESS TO PASS ALL LAWS NECESSARY FOR ITS PROTECTION; THAT THERE IS AND CAN BE NO EXCEPTION TO THE RULE, THAT A RIGH GUARANTEED BY THE CONSTITUTION MUST BE PROTECTED BY LAW IN ALL CASES, WHERE LEGISLATION IS ESSENTIAL TO ITS ENJOYMENT. That all who believe that slavery exis s in the Territories by virtue of the Constitution are bound by their conscience, and oaths of fidelity to the Constitution to support a Congressional slave code in the Territories."

This direct and unequivocal statement of the duty of those who believe that slavery exists in the Territories by virtue of the Constitution, narrows the whole controversy between Douglas and Breckinridge down to a quibble, to wit: Is the right to carry slave property into the Territories, which Mr. Douglas concedes in the extracts quoted above, equivalent to the existence of slavery in the Territories by virtue of the Constitution? To use the brief and concise phase employed by Mr. Linco'n in his Columbus speech, can a thing be lawfully driven away from a place where it has a lawful right to be ?" Which faction of the Democracy has the advantage of logic and truthfulness in this controversy ?

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In the same speech, (May 16th, 1860,) he

"When that case shall arise, and the Court shall pronounce its judgment, it will be binding on me, on you, sir, and on every good citizen. It must be carried out in good faith; AND ALL THE POWER OF THIS GOVERNMENT-THE ARMY, THE NAVY, AND THE MI ITIA-ALL THAT WE HAVE MUST BE EXERTED TO CARRY THE DECISION INTO FFFECT IN GOOD FAITH, IF THERE BE RESISTANCE."-Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1859-60, page 311.

HE GOES FOR A SEDITION LAW.

On the 23d of January, 1860, Mr. Douglas made his famous speech in favor of a new Sedition Law, for the purpose of " suppressing the irrepressible conflict" Senator Mason had already introduced a resolution for the appointment of a select Committee to investigate the John Brown raid at Harper's. Fery, and to report whether any further legislation was necessary in the premises. Nevertheless, Mr. Douglas introduced the following additional resolution:

"Resolved, That the Committee of the Judiciary be instructed to report a bill for the protection of each State and Territory of the Union against invasion by the authorities or inhabitants of any other State or Territory; and for the suppression and punishment of consp racies or combinations in any State or Territory with intent to invade, assail, or molest the government,

inhabitants, property, or institutions of any other State or Territory of the Union."

Upon this resolution he made a speech, on the 23d of January, as aforesaid, from which the following are consecutive extracts:

"The question, then, is, what legislation is necessary and proper to render this guarantee of the Constitution

effectual? I presume there will be very little difference of opinion that it will be necessary to place the whole military power of the Government at the disposal of the President, under proper guards and restrictions against abuse, to repel and suppress invasion when the hostile force shall be actually in the field. But, sir, that is not sufficient. Such legislation would not be

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"Then, sir, I hold that it is not only necessary to use the military power when the actual case of invasion shall occur, but to authorize the judicial department of the Government to suppress all conspiracies and combinations in the several States with intent to invade a State, or molest or disturb its government, its peace, its citiz ns, its property, or its institutions. punish the conspiracy, the combination with intent to do the act, and then you will suppress it in advance. "It cannot be said that the time has not yet arrived for such legislation. It is only necessary to inquire into the causes which produced the Harper's Ferry outrage, and ascertain whether those causes are yet in active operation, and then you can determine whether there is any ground for apprehension that the invasion will be repeat. d. Without stopping to adduce evidence in detail, I have no hesitation in expressing my firm and deliberate conviction that THE HARPER'S FER

RY CRIME WAS THE NATURAL, LOGICAL, INEVI

TABLE RESULT OF THE DOCTRINES AND TEACH

INGS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, AS EXPLAIN ED AND ENFORCED IN THEIR PLATFORM, THEIR PARTISAN PRESSES, THEIR PAMPHLETS AND BOOKS, AND ESPECIALLY IN THE SPEECHES OF THEIR LEADERS IN AND OUT OF CONGRESS.

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"And, sir, inasmuch as the Constitution of the United States confers upon Congress the power coupled with the duty of protecting each State against external aggression, and inasmuch as that includes the power of suppressing and punishing conspiracies in one State against the institutions, property, people, or government of every other State, I desire to carry out the power vigorously. Sir, give us a law as the Constitution coutemplates and authorizes, and I will show the Senator from New York that there is a constitutional mode of repressing the irrepressible conflict." I will open the prison door to allow conspirators against the peace of the Republic and the domestic tranquility of our States to select their cells wherein to drug out u miserable life, as a punishment for their crimes against the peace of society!!!

"Can any man say to us that although this outrage has been perpetrated at Harper's Ferry, there is no danger of its recurrence? Sir, is not the Republican party still embodied, organized, confident of success, and defiant in its pretensions? Does it not now hold and proclaim the same creed that it did before the invasion? It is true that most of its representatives here disavow the act of John Brown at Harper's Ferry. I am glad that they do so; I am rejoiced that they have gone thus far; but I must be permitted to say to them that it is not sufficient that they disavow the act, unless they also repudiate and denounce the doctrines and teachings which produced the act. Those doctrines remain the same; those teachings are being poured into the minds of men throughout the country by means of speeches and pamphlets and books, and through partizan presses.

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which Thomas Jefferson and his friends fulminated the famous Resolutions of '98," adopted by the Virginia and Kentucky Legislatures:

"And be it further enacted, That if any person shall write, print, utter or publish, or shall cause or procure to be written, uttered or published, or shall knowingly or willingly assist or aid in writing, printing, uttering, or publishing any false, scandalous and malicious writing or writings, against the Government of the United States or either House of the Congress of the United States, or the President of the United States, with intent to defame the said Government, or either House of the Congress, or the said President, or to bring them, or either of them into contempt or disrepute, or to excite against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition within the United States; or to excite any unlawful combinations therein, for opposing or resisting any law of the United states, or any act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of any such law, or of the powers in him vested by the Constitution of the United States; then such person being thereof convicted before any court of the United States having jurisdiction therein, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years."

The difference between this S dition Law and the one advocated by Mr. Douglas is, that the former sought to punish the expres Sion of opinions against the constituted authorities of the United States, while the latter seeks to punish the expression of opinions against human slavery. Under Douglas' proposed law, Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, and nearly all the founders of the Republic, would be liable, if still living, to "indictments and convictions in our Federal courts."

THE UPSHOT OF JOHN BROWN'S INVASION OF

VIRGINIA.

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This is a proper place to inquire what state of facts existed, calling for Mr. Douglas' furious onslaught on the people of the Nor h, and his malignant proposition to open the prison doors and allow conspirators again-t the tranquility of States to select cells wherein to drag out a mi-erable life." The Select Committee of the Senate, appointed to investigate the Harper's Ferry affair, consisting of Messrs. Mason, Davis, Fitch, Collamer and Doolittle, commenced their labors on the 16th of December, 1859, and continued their sessions until the 14th of June, 1860. During this time they examined thirty-two witnesses from various parts of the country, and it is presumed they arrived at the faces of the case as nearly as it was possible to reach them. the 15th of June, the majority of the Committee made a report in which they say:

On

"Mr. President, the mode of preserving peace is plain. This system of sectional warfare must cease. The Constitution has given the power, and all we ask of Congress is to give the means, and we, BY INDICT- "The Committee, after much consideration, are not MENT AND CONVICTIONS IN THE FEDERAL prepared to suggest any legislation which, in their COURTS OF OUR SEVERAL STATES, WILL MAKE opinion, would be adequate to prevent like occurrences SUCH EXAMPLES OF THE LEADERS OF THESE CONSPIRATORS AS WALL STRIKE TERROR INTO THE HEARTS OF THE OTHERS, AND THERE WILL BE AN END OF THIS CRUSADE."-Congressional Globe, 1859-60, pages 552,553.

The following is an extract from the old Sedition Law of 1798, which very nearly revolutionized the country-utterly ruined and destroyed the Federal party which took the responsibility of enacting it-and against

in the future. The only provisions in the Constitution of the United States which would seem to import any authority in the Government of the United States to interfere on occasions affecting the peace or safety of the States are found in the 8th section of the 1st article, for Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress amongst the powers of Congress, to provide for calling insurrections and repel invasions; and in the 4th section of the 4th article in the following words: The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, and on the applica

tion of the legislature or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened,) against domestic violeuce.' The 'invasion' here spoken of would seem to

import an invasion by the public force of a foreign power, or (f not so limited and equally referable to an invasion of one State by another,) still it would seem that public force, or force exercised under the sanction of acknowledged political power, is there meant. The invision (to call it so) by Brown and his followers at Harper's Ferry was in no sense of that character. IT WAS SIMPLY THE ACT OF LAWLESS RUFFIANS UNDER THE SANCTION OF NO PUBLIC OR POLITICAL POWER," etc.-Report of Select Committee of the Senate on the Harper's Ferry affair; puge, 18.

This report is signed "J. M. Mason, Chairman, Jefferson Davis, G. N. Fitch." It ought to be good authority on the question whether any laws are required "to punish conspiracies and combinations with intent to do the act," as also on the other question whether the Republican party is responsible for John Brown's

raid.

MR. DOUGLAS JUSTIFIES DISUNION.

past six years. Therefore, we let him tell the result in his own words, quoting from his speech in the Senate on the 16th of May, 1860, as printed in the Appendix to the Con gressional Globe :

"But we are told that the necessary result of this doctrine of non-intervention, which gentlemen, by way of throwing ridicule upon, call squatter sovereignty, is to deprive the South of all participation in what hey call common Territories of the United States. Thit was the ground on which the Senator from Missisippi (Mr. Davis) predicated his opposition to the comprom se measures of 1850. He regarded a refusal to repeal the Mexican law as quivalent to the Wilmot Proviso; a refusal to recognize by an act of Congress the right to carry a slave there as equivalent to the Wi'mot Proviso; a re.usal to deny to a Territorial Leg slature the right to exc ude slavery as equivalent to an exclusion. He believed at that time that this doctrine did amount to a denial of southern rights, and he told the pople of Missi-sippi so; but they doubted it. Now, let us see how far his predictions and suppositions have been verified. I infer that he told the people so, for as he makes a charge in his bill of indictment against me, that I am hostile to Southern rights, because I gave those votes.

"Now, what has been the result? My views were In the Sedition Law speech, above referred incorporated into the compromise measures of 1850, to, Mr. Douglas went so far as to justify the and his were rejected. Has the South been excluded from all the territory acquired from Mexico? What crime of disunion unless Congress should en- says the bill from the House of Representatives now on act the sort of law which he there proposed. your table, repealing the slave code in New Mexico, established by the people themselves? It is part of the As he is now charging disunion quite furious-hi-tory of the country, that under the doctrine of nonly against the Breckinridge faction, it is pro- intervention, this doctrine that you delight to call per to show that less than one year ago he squat er sovereignty, the people of New Mexico have He introduced and protected s'avery in the whole of that was encouraging the same thing himself. Territory. UNDER THIS DOCTRINE THEY HAVE said: CONVERTED A TRACT OF FREE TERRITORY INTO SLAVE TERRITORY, MORE THAN FIVE TIMES THE SIZE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. UNDER THIS DOCTRINE, SLAVERY HAS BEEN EXTENDED FROM THE RIO GRANDE TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA, AND FROM THE LINE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO, NOT ONLY UP TO 36 deg. 30 min., BUT UP TO 38 deg. GIVING YOU A DEGREE AND A HALF MORE SLAVE TE RITORY THAN YOU EVER CLAIMED. In 1848 and 1949 and 1850, you only asked to have the line of 36 deg. 30 min. The Nashville Convention fixed that as its ult matum. I offered it in the Senate, in August 1848, and it was adopted here, but rejected in the House of Represen atives. You asked only up to 36 deg. 30 min., AND NON-INTERVENTION HAS GIVEN YOU SLAVE TERRITORY UP

"If the people of this country shall settle down into the conviction that there is no power in the Federal Government to protect each, and every State from violence, from aggression, from invasion, THEY WILL DEMAND THAT THE CORD BE SEVERED and the weapons be restored to their hands with which they may defend themselves. THIS INQUIRY INVOLVES THE QUESTION OF THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION."-Congressional Globe, 1859-60; page 552.

JEFF. DAVIS REPUDIATES THE SEDITION LAW.

Two days after the Sedition law speech, Senator Davis took the floor and repudiated the whole thing as an alarming encroachment on the rights of the people. He said:

"I welcome, sir, the apprehensions of the President of the United States, and never would I enact a law which would clothe the executive with the power to call out the militia, to bring the army and the navy TO INVADE A STATE TO DISCOVER WHO WITHIN THAT STATE HAD IN HIS BREAST THE PURPOS

AT SOME FUTURE DAY TO COMMIT CRIME. If there be unlawful, treasonable organizations within a State, it belongs to the State sovereignty to inquire and to punish the offender.

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It is proper for me, Mr. President, to say that it is in no feeling of partisan warfare between me and the Senator and the President, if any such exist, that I have mide the explanation. It is the deep interest I feel for the preservation of sound principles and the restriction of the Federal Government from striding over the sov-reiguties of the States to usurp such centralizing power, under the promptings of a momentary expedi ency, as would destroy the great charter of our 1 berty, and reduce the people to that condition from which they rose-THE SUBJECTS OF A GOVERNMENT NOT WITHIN THEIR CONTROL."-Cong. Globe, 1859-60; pages 589, 590.

MR. DOUGLAS TELLS WHAT POPULAR SOVER-
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EIGNTY HAS DONE.

It will be admitted that Mr. Douglas is a good judge of what his dogma of Popular Sovereignty" has accomplished during the

10 38 deg-A DEGREE AND A HALF MORE THAN YOU ASKED; and yet you say that this is a sacrifice of Southern rights?

"These are the fruits of this principle which the Senator from Mississippi regards as hostile to the rights of the South. Where did you ever get any other fruits that were more palatable to your taste or refreshing to your strength? What other inch of free territory has been converted into slave territory on the American continent, since the Revolution, except in New Mexico and Arizona, under the principle of non-intervention affirmed at Charleston. If it be true that this principle of non-intervention has conferred upon you all that immense territory; has protected slavery in that comparatively northern and cold region, where you did not expect it to go, cannot you trust the same principle further South when you come to acquire additional terri tory from Mexico? If it be true that this principle of non-intervention, has given to slavery, all of New Mexico, which was surrounded on nearly every side by free territory, will not the same principle protect you in the northern States of Mexico, when they are acquired, since they are now surrounded by slave territory; are several hundred miles fu ther south; have many degrees of greater heat; and have a climate and soil adapted to southern products? Are you not satisfied with these practical re ults?"-Appendix to Cong. Globe, 1859-60, page 314.

HIS LAST FLING AT THE PEOPLE OF KANSAS.

The Hon. John Hickman, in his late speech in Concert Hall, Philadelphia, after a scathing

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