Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

ADVANCE.

Can any ore fail to comprehend this clear | July. It is to be observed that in this matter and logical chain of evidence ? At the time Mr. Donglas has outrun the Dred Scott decis. when Douglas and Toombs were at work on ion itself, which, after quoting the language th ir piecious conspiracy, Kansas was in the of the Decl iration of Indepe dence, says : hands of the Border Ruffians, and entirely at "The general words above quoted would seem to their mercy. The Territorial office holders embrare the whole human family, and if they were used were nearly all assassins and ontlaws. The in a similar instrument at this day, would be so under,

stood. But it is too clear for dispute, that the e' slaved Federal troops were either assisting or con- African race were not intended to be inclu led, and niving at the Missouri invasion. Under these formed no part of the people who framed and adopted circumstances is there any doubt what kind of this declaration.” a Constitution would have been made by the Buford-Atchison gang who were then ravaging HE SAYS SLAVERY IS IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE Kansas, when they understood perfectly that RULES OF CIVILIZATION AND CARISTIANITY, their art would be conclusive of the destinies

In the same speech Mr. Douglas gave utterof the Territory, and when Douglas h d espec-ance to the following atrocious sentiments ially provided that “until the complete exe

on slavery in the abstract: cution of the act, no other election shall be held

" At that day the negro was looked upon as a being in the Territory ?"

of an inferior race. All history had proved that in no part of the world or the world's history, had the negro

ever shown himself rapable of self-government, and it HE ENDORSES THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION IN

was not the intenrion of the founders of this governm-nt to viola e that gr. at law of God which hade the

distinction between the white and the black man. That On the 12th of June, 1857, Mr. Douglas distinction is plain and palpable, and it h118 been made his “Grand Jury” speech, so-called, at

the rule of civilization and christianity the world

over, that whenever any man or set of men were inSpringfield, to which one reference has already capable of tuking care of themselves, they should been made. The following extracts from this consent to be governed by those who are cupable of spech are taken from the phonographic report managing their afuirs for them.published in the Missouri Republican of June

In rı vising the Missouri Republican's report 18th, 1857. The famous Lecompton Conven- of this speech, for publication in the State tion had just been called by the bogiis Legis. Register, Mr. Douglas or some di creet friend lature, and on this topic he spoke as follous: omitted th s obnoxious paragraph. But that

Kansas is about to speak for herself through her does not relieve him from the responsibility delegat s assembl-d in convention to form a constitu- of it, because we find the s me idea, in nearly tion, preparatory to her admission into the Union on an equal footing with the original States. Peace and pros- October 23d, 1850, as published in Sheahan's

the same langu 'ge, in his Chicago speech of perity now prevail throughout her borders. under which her delegates are to be elected is believed Life of Douglas, to-wit: to be just and fair in all its objects and provisions. If

" The civilized world have always held that when any po tion (f the inhabitunts, acting under the advice of political leaders in distant States, shall choose to

any race of men have shown themselves so degraded absent themselves from the polls, and withhold their

by ignorance, superstition, cru-lty and barbarism as to votts, with a view of leaving the Free State Democrats must, in ihe nature of things, be governed by others,

be utterly incapable of govering themselves, they in a minority, and thus securing a pro-slavery constitu- by such laws as are deemed applicable to their condition in opposition to a majority of the people living tion.”—[Sheahan’s Life of Douglas, page 184 ] under it, let the responsibility rest on those who, for partisan purposes, will sacrifice the principles they pro- This is popular sovereignty with a vengefess to cherish and promote."

law

ance !

HE SAYS THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE HE URGES THAT SLAVERY SHOULD LAST FOREVER.
WAS NOT INTENDED TO INCLUDE

6
ALL MEN."

In his joint debate with Mr. Lincoln, at In the same speech, Mr. Douglas ventilated Quincy, Illinois, Mr. Douglas frankly co fessed his views of the Declaration of Independence, that his “ great principle” contemplated that as follows:

slavery should last forever. He said : “ The signers of the Declaration of Independence,

“In this State we have declared that a negro shall referred to white man, and to him alone, when they de- not be a citizen and we have also declared that he clared that all men were created equal. They were in shall not be a slave. We had a right to adopt that a struggle with Great Britain. The principle they were policy, Missouri has just as good a right to adopt asserting was 1 HAT A BRITISH SUBJECT BURN ON AMERICAN the other policy. I am now speaking of rights under SOIL, WAS EQUAL TO A BRITISH SUBJECT BORN IN ENGI AND the Constitution, and not of moral or religious rights. -thit a British subject here, was entitled to all the I do not discuss the morals of the people of Missouri, rights, privileges, and immunities, under the Fritish but let them settle that matter for themselves. 1 hold Consti'ution that a British subject in Englard enjoyed; that the people of the slaveholding States are civilized that their rights were inalienable, and hence, that Par- men as well as ourselves; that they bear consciences as liam-nt, whose power was omnipotent, had no power to well as we, and that they are accountable to God and alienate them.'

their posterity, and not to us. It is for them to decide,

therefore, the moral and religious right of the slavery It appears thus, that in Mr. Douglas' opinion question for themselves within their own limits. I asnot only the African race, but the German, sert that they had as much right under the Constitution Italian, French, Scandinavian, and, indeed, to adopt the system of policy s hich they have, as we

So it is with every other State in every nation except the Engli-h, Irish, Scotch had to adopt ours.

this Union. Let each State stand firmly by that great and American, are excluded from all part or Constitutional right, let each State mind its own busilot in the Declaration of Independence.

The ness and let its neighbors alone, and there will be no phrase “all men,” does not refer to them. principle, then Me. Lincoln will find that this Republic

trouble on this question. If we will stand by ihut They have no business with the Fourth of | CAN EXIST FOREVER DIVIDED INTO FREE AND

[ocr errors]

SLAVE STATES as our fathers made it and the penple Again, in his speech of February 29th, of each stat- have decided.”—[Lincoln and Douglas 1860, in the Senate, in the course of his asDebates of 1858-page 209.]

sault on Senator Seward, he said: Again;

in his Sedition Law speech, of Jan- “We in Illinois tried Slavery while we were a Teruary 23d, 1860, he argued for the perpetuity ritory, and found it was not profitable ; and hence we of slavery as follows:

turned philanthropists and abolished it.".-Congres

sionul Globe, 1859-60 ; page 915. “Mr. Lincoln says:-A house divided against itself cannot stand. I beli. ve this Government cannot en

And again in the same discussion : dure permanently, half slave and half free.'

“But they, (the people of Illinois,) said 'experience What is the meaning of that language, unless it is proves that it is not going to be profitable in his clithat the Union cannot permanently exist, half slave mate.' They had no xcruples about it. Every one and half free, that it must all become one thing or all of them was nursed by it. llis father arid his mother become the oth r! The declaration is that the North held slaves. They had no scruple about its being must combine as a sectional party, and car y on the right, but they said, 'we cannot make any money by it, agitation so fiercely, up to the very borders of the and as our State runs away off north, up to those eterglaveh lding States, that the master dire not sleep at nal snows, perhaps we shll gain population faster if night for fear that the robbers, the John Browns, will we stop Slavery and invise in the Northern population;' come and stt his house on fire, and murder the women and as a matter of political policy, State policy, they and children before morning. It is to surround the prohibited Slav. ry themselves."-Congi essional Globe slaveholding States by a cordon of free States, to use 1859-60; page 919. the language of the Senator; to hem them in, in order that you may smuther them out. The Senator avowed, in his speech to-day, their object to be to hem in the HE SAYS THE ALMIGHTY HAS REQUIRED TIE EXslave Statt 8, in order that slavery may die out. How

ISTENCE OF SLAVERY ! die out? Confine it to its present limits; let the ratio of increase go on by the laws of nature; and just in In the Memphis speech, following immedipropertion as the lands in the slaveholding States wear ately after the extract quot d above, from out, the negroes increase, and you wil soon reach that the Avalanche, comes the following blasphepoint where the soil wiil nut produce enough to feed the slaves; ther hem them in, and let them starve out, let mous declaration : them die out by starva'ion. This is the policy-hem

“The Almighty has drawn the line on this continent them i y, and starve them out. Do as the French did

ON ONE SIDE OF WHICH THE SOIL MUST BE CULTIVATED BY in Algeria, when the Arabs tvok to the caverns-smoke

SLAVE LABOR. That line did not run on thirty-six dethem out, by making fir s at the mouths of the caverns,

grees and thirty minutes, for thirty-six degrees and and keep them burning until they die. The policy is, hirty minutes ru's over mountains and through valto keep up this agitation al ing the line; make slave | leys. But this Slave line meanders in the sugar fields prop: rty insecure in the border States; keep the mas

and plantations of the South-[the remainder of the ter con-tantly in apprehension of assault till he will

sentence was lost by the confusion around the reporter.] consent to abandon his native country, leaving his

An: the people living in the different localities and in slaves behind him, or to remove them further Souih. If

the Territories must determine for themselves whether you can force Kentucky thus to abolish slavery, you

their middle bed' is best adapted for slave or free lamake Tenn-ssee the border State, and begin the same operation upon her.

Sir, I confess the object of the legislation I contemplate, is to put down this outside interference; it is HE SAYS THAT SLAVES ARE RECOGNIZED AS

PROPto repress this irreprexsible conflict ; it is to bring

ERTY BY THE CONSTITUTION. the Government back to the true principles of the Constitution, and let each people in this Union rest secure On the 6th of December, 1858, Mr. Douglas in the enjoyment of domestic tranqui ity, without apprehension from neighboring States." --Cong. Globe, sp. ke at New Orleans. The following quot. 1859–60, pages 553, 554.

ation from his speech is taken from the report in the New Orleans Delta :

"I, in common with ihe Democracy of Illinois, accept HE THINKS SLAVERY IS A MERE QUESTION 01 the Dred Scoit decision of the Supreme Court of the

United States, in the Dred Scott ase, as an authorita*DOLLARS AND CENTS.

tive exposition of the Constitution. Whatever limitaShortly after the Illinois election of 1858, impose on the authority of a Territorial Legislature, we

tions the Constiruti n, as expounded by the Courts, Mr. Douglas made a southern tour, stopping at cheerfully recognize and respect in conformity with St. Louis, Memphis, and New Orlearis, and that decision. Sluves are recognized as property, address ng the people at those places on polit- erty. Ilence, the owner of Stuvesthe same as the

and placed on an equal footing with all other propical topics. He spoke at Meniphis, on the owner of any other species of property-has a right 29th of November, and the following is an to remove to a Territory and carry his property

with him." extract from his speech as reported phonographically in the Memphis Avalanche :

HE REPEATS THAT SLAVES MAY BE TAKEN TO THE “Whenever a Territory has a climat', soil and productions making it the interest of the inhabitants to

TERRITORIES LIKE OTHER PROPERTY. encourage slave property they will pass a slave code

Some of the Douglas organs in the North and give it encouragement. Whenever the climate, soil and productions pr«clude ihe possibility of slavery be. I have undertaken to say that their champion ing profitable, they will not permit it. YOU COME RIGHT never uttered the words quoted above from BACK TO THE PRINC PLE OF DOLLARS AND CHATS. I do his New Orleans speech. They will hardly not care where the immigration in the southern country deny, however, that he repeated it even more comes from;- if old Joshua R. Giddings should raise a colony in Ohio and settle down in Louisiana, he wodid offeusively in the Senate, on the 23d of Febbe the strongest advocate of Slavery in the whole South; ruary, 1859, in a debate with Jeff. Davis, he would fivd, when he got there, his opinion of slavery whén he sid: would be very much modified; he w uld find on those sugar plantations that it was not a question between I do not put Slavery on a different footing from the white man and the negro but between the negro and other property. I recognize it as properly under what the crocodile. He would suy that between the negro is understood to be the decision of the Supr me Court. and the crocodile he took the side of the negro; but I argue that the owner of slaves HAS THE SAME between the negro and the white man, he would go for RIGHT TO REMOVE TO THE TERRITORIES AND the while man.'

CARRY HIS SLAVE PROPERTY WITH HIM AS

bor."

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

page 316.

THE OWNER OF ANY OTHER SPECIES OF PROP. " When the Supreme Court shall decide upon the ERTY, and hold the same, subject to such local laws as constitutionality of the local (Territorial] laws, I AM the Territor al Legistature may Constitutional y pass, PREPARED TO ABIDE BY THE DECISION WHAT. and if any person shall ferl aggrieved by such local EVER IT MAY BE, AND HAVE IT EXECUTED IN legislation, he may appeal to the Supreme Court to test GOOD FAITH AS WELL AS IN OTHER CASES."the validity of such laws. I recognize slave property Congressional Globe, 1958–59, part 2, page 1259. to be on an equality with all other property, and apply the same rules to it I will not apply one rule to

And again, in his speech of May 16th, 1860, slave property and another to all other kind of proper having read the Tennessee Compromise resoty.”—Congressional Globe, 1858-9, part 2, page 1256. lution offered at the Charleston Convention, And again:

which was as follows: “Slaves, according to that decision, being property,

" That all citizens of the United States have an equal stand on an equ-l footing with all other property right to settle with their property in the Territories, and THERE IS JUST AS MUCH OBLIGATION ON THE that under the decision of the Supreme Court which PART OF THE TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE TO we recognize as an exposition of the Constitution, PROTECT SLAVES AS EVERY OTHER SPECIES neither their rights of person or property can be deOF PROPERTY, AS THERE IS TO PROIECT HORS-stroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legES, CATTLE, DRY GO DS, LIQUORS, &c."-Cong. islation,” Globe, same vol., page 1258.

—he proceeded to remark: And again:

“The second proposition is, that a right of person or “Hence, under the Constitution, there is no power property, secured by the Constitution, cannot be taken to prevent a Southern man going into the Territories away by act of Congress or of the Territorial Legisla

ture. Who ever dreamed that either Congress or a with his slaves, more than a Northern man.”--Mr. Dougl!s' Memphis Speech, Nov. 29th, 1858, as pub. Territorial Legislature, or any other legislative body on lished in the Avalanche.

earth could destroy or impair any right guaranteed or secured by the Constitution ? No man that I know

of."- Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1859–60, WHAT HE IS OBLIGED TO DO IN THE PREMISES.

In his letter replying to Judge Black's criti- HE TELLS HOW TO CARRY OUT SUPREME COURT cism on his Harper's Magazine article, Mr.

SOVEREIGNTY. Douglas took pains to tell what he deemed all persons obliged to do who hold that slavery

In the same speech, (May 16th, 1860,) he exists in the Territories by virtue of the Con

tells how to carry out Supreme Court Soverstitution, He said:

eignty, as follows: “ In that article, without assailing any one, or impug.

“When that case shall arise, and the Court shall ning any man's motive, I demonstrated, beyond the

pronounce its judgment, it will be binding on me, on possibi ity of cavil or dispute, if slavery exists in the

you, sir, and on every good citizen. It must be carried Territories by virtue of th- Constitution, the conclusion

out in good faith; AND ALL THE POWER OF THIS

GOVERNMENT-THE ARMY, THE NAVY, AND is inevitable and irresistible, THAT IT IS THE IM.

THE MI ITI 4-ALL THAT WE HAVE -MUST BE PERATIVE DUTY OF CONGRESS TO PASS ALL

EXERTED TO CARRY THE DECISION INTO FF. LAWS NECESSARY FOR ITS PROTECTION; THAT THERE IS AND CAN BE NO EXCEP'ION TO THE

FECT IN GOUD FAITH, IF THERE BE RESISTRULE, THAT A RIGHI GUARANTEED BY THE

ANCE."- Appendix to the Congressional Globe, CONSTITUTION MUST BE PROTECTED BY LAW

1859-60, page 311. IN ALL CASES, WHERE LEGISLATION IS ESSEN. TIAL TO ITS ENJOYMENT. That all who believe

HE GOES FOR A SEDITION LAW. that slavery exis 8 in the Territories by virtue of the Constitution are bound by their conscience, and

On the 23d of January, 1860, Mr. Douglas oaths of fidelity to the Constitution to support à Con- made his famous speech in favor of a new gressional slave code in the Territories."

Sedition Law, for the purpose of “ suppresThis direct and unequivocal statement of the sing the irrepressible conflict." Senator Maduty of those who believe that slavery exists son had already introduced a resolution for in the Territories by virtue of the Constitution, the appointment of a select Committee to innarrows the whole controversy between Doug- vestigate the John Brown raid at Harper's las and Breckinridge down to a quibble, to Feriy, and to report whether any further legwit: Is the right to carry slave property into islation was necessary in the premises. the Territories, which Mr. Douglas concedes Nevertheless, Mr. Douglas introduced the fol. in the extracts quoted above, equivalent to lowing additional resolution : the existence of slavery in the Territories by Resolved, that the Committee of the Judiciary be in. virtue of the Constitution ? To use the brief structed to report a bill for the pr«tection of each State and concise ph’ase employed by Mr. Linco'n

and Territory of the Union against invasion bv the in his Columbus speech, “can a thing he law- tory; and for the suppression and punishment of con

authorities or inhabitants of any other State or Terrifully driven away from a place where it has a sp racies or combinations in any State or Territory lawful right to be?” Which faction of the

with intent to invade, assail, or molest the government, Democracy has the advantage of logic and State or Territory of the Union.”

inhabitants, property, or institutions of any other truthfulness in this controversy ?

Upon this resolution he made a speech, on

the 23d of January, as aforesaid, from which HE GOES AGAIN FOR SUPREME COURT

the following are consecutive extracts:

“ The question, then, is, what legislation is necessary SOVEREIGNTY.

and proper to render this guarantee of the Constitution In his speech of February 23d, 1859, al- effectual? I presume there will be very little differ

ence of opinion that it will be necessary to place the ready r. ferred to, Mr. Douglas again declared whole military power of the Government at the disposal himself ready to follow the Supreme Court to of the President, under proper guards and restrictions the crushing out of Popular Sovereignty.

against abuse, to repel and suppress invasion when the

hostile force shall be actually in the field. But, sir, He said:

that is not sufficient. Such legislation would not be

*

*

*

*

*

"

*

*

*

*

a full compliance with this guarantee of the Constitu- which Thomas Jefferson and his friends fultion. The framers of that instrument meant more when minated the famous “ Resolutions of '98," they gave that guarantee. Mark the difference in language between the provision for protecting the United adopted by the Virginia and Kentucky LegisStates against invasion and that for protecting the latures: States. When it provided for protecting the United

And be it further enacted, That if any person Stat-8, saiil Congress shall have power to “re. pel invasion." When it came to make this guarantee

shall write, print, utter or publish, or shall cause or to the States it changed the language and said the United

procure to be written, uttered or published, or shall States shall protect' each of the States against inva: knowingly or willingly assist or aid in writing, printing, sion.

uttering, or publishing any false, scandalous and ma

licious writing or writings, a ainst the Government of “ Then, sir, I bold that it is not only necessary to use the military power when the actual case of invasion

the United States or either House of the Congress of shall occur, but to authorize the judicial department of

the Uited States, or the President of the United States, the Government to suppress all conspiracies and com

with inteut to defame the said Government, or either binations in the several Staies with intent to invade a

House of the Congress, or the said President, or to State, úr molest or disturb its government, its peace,

bring them, or either of them into contempt or disits citiz ns, its property, or its institu'ions. You must

repute, or to excite against them, or either or any punish the conspiracy, the combination with intent to

of them, the hatred of the good people of the United do the act, and then you will suppress it in advance.

States, or to stir up sedition within the United States;

or to excite any unlawful combinations therein, for op"It cannot be said that the time has not yet arrived

posing or resisting any law of the United states, or any for such legislation. It is only necessary to inquire in

act of the President of the United Siares, done in purto the causes which produced the Harper's Ferry out

suance of any such law, or of the powers in him vested rage, and ascertain whether those causes are yet in ac

by the Constitution of the United States; then such

person being thereof convicted before any court of the tive operation, and then you can determine whether

United States having jurisdiction therein, shall be pun. there is any ground for apprehension that the invasion will be repeat: d. Without stopping to adduce evidence

ished by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and in detail, I have no hesitation in expressi: g my firm

by imprisonment not exceeding two years." and deliberate conviction that THE ARPER'S FER The difference between this S dition Law RY CRIME WAS TIIE N ATURAL, LOGICAL, INEVI: and the one advocated by Mr. Douglas is, TABLE RESULT OF THE DOCTRINES AND TEACH. INGS OF THE REPUBLICA PARTY, AS EXPLAIN that the former sought to punish the expres ED AND ENFORCED IN THEIR PLATFORM, THEIR sion of opinions against the constituted auPARIISAN PRES-ES, THEIR PAMPHLETS AND thorities of the United States, while the BOOKS, AND ESPECIALLY IN THE SPEECHES OF THEIR LEADERS IN AND OUT OF CONGRESS.

latter seeks to punish the expression of opin.

ions against human slavery. Under Douglas' “And, sir, inasmuch as the Constitution of the United proposed law, Washington, Jefferson, Frank. States confers upon Congress the power coupled with the duty of protecting each State against external ag- lin, Madison, and nearly all the founders of gression, and inasmuch as that includes the power of the Republic, would be liable, if still living, suppressing and punishing conspiracies in one State to “indictments and convictions in our Fedagainst the institutions propediemirbenplear my count the eral courts.” other State,

to power oigorously. Sir, give us a law as the Constitution contemplates and authorizes, and I will show the Senator from New Yrk that there is a constitu

THE UPSHOT OF JOHN BROWN'S INVASION OF tional mode of repressing the irrepressible conflict."

VIRGINIA. I will open the prison door to allow conspirators against the peace of the Republic and the domestic This is a proper place to inquire what state tranquility of our Stutes to select their cells wherein of facts existed, calling for Mr. Douglas' furi. to drag qut u miserable life, as a punishment for ous onslaught on the people of the Nor h, and their crimes against the peace of society !!!

bis nialignant proposition to “open the prison “Can any man say to us that although this outrage doors and allow conspirators again-t the tranhas been perpetrated at Harper's Ferry, there is no danger of its recurrence? Sir, is not the Republican quility of States to select cells wherein to drag party still embodied, organized, confident of success, out a mi-erable life.” The Select Committee and de fiant in its pretensions? Does it not now hold of the Senate, appointed to investigate the and proclaim the same creed that it did before the in. vasion ? it is true that most of its representatives Harper's Ferry affair, consisting of Messrs. here disavow the act of John Brown at Harper's Fer. Mason, Davis, Fitch, Collamer and Doolittle, ry. I am glad that they do so; I am rejoiced that they commenced their labors on the 16th of Dehave gone ihus far; but I must be permitted to say to them that it is not sufficient that they disavow the act, cember, 1859, and continued their sessions unless they also repudiate and denounce the doctrines until the 14th of June, 1860. During this and teachings which produced the act. Those doctrines time they examined thirty-two witnesses from remain the same; ihose teachings are being poured into the minds of men throughout the country by means

virious parts of the country, and it is presumof speeches and pamphlets and books, and through ed th-y arrived at the facis of the case as partizan presses.

nearly as it was possible to reach them. On "Mr. President, the mode of preserving peace is the 15th of June, the majority of the Commitplain. This system of sectional warfare must cease. The Consiitution has given the power, and all we ask

tee made a report in which they say: of Congress is to give the means, and we, BY INDICT- “ The Committee, after much consideration, are not MENT AND CONVICTIONS IN

THE FEDERAL prepared to suggest any legislation which, in their COURTS OF OUR SEVERAL STATES, WILL MAKE opinion, would be auequate to prevent like occurrences SUCH EXAMPLES OF THE LEADERS OF THESE in the future. The only provisions in the Constitution COXSPIRATORS AS WLL STRIKE TERROR INTO of the United States which would seem to import any THE HEARTS OF THE OTHERS, AND THERE authority in the Government of the Unijed States to WILL BE AN END OF THIS CRUSADE.”-Congres- interfere on occasions affecting the peace or sifety of sional Globe, 1859-60, pages 552, 553.

the States are found in the 8th section of the 1st article, The following is an extract from the old for Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress

amongst the powers of Congress, to provide for calling Sedition Law of 1798, which very nearly insurrections and repel invasions ; and in the 4th secrevolutionized the country-utterly ruined tion of the 4th article in the following words: "The and destroyed the Federal party which took

United States shall guarantee to every State in this

Union a republican form of government, and shall prothe responsibility of enacting it—and aguinst tect each of them against invasio and on the app capuge, 18,

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

tirn of the legislature or of the executive (when the past six years. Therefore, we let him tell the
legislature cannot be convened.) against domestic vio- result in his own words, quoting from his
leuce.' The 'in yasion' here spoken of would seem to
import an invasion by the public force of a foreign speech in the Senate on the 16th of May,
power, or (f not so limited and equally referable to an | 1860, as printed in the Appendix to the Core-
invasion of one State by another,) still it would seem
that public force, or force exercised under the sanction gressional Globe :
of acknowledged political power, is there meant “But we are told that the necessary result of this
The inyesion (to call it so) by Brown and his follow. dnctrine of non-intervention, which gentlemen, hy way
er- at Harper's Ferry was in no sense of that character. of throwing ridicule upon, call squatrer sovereignity, is
IT WIS SIMPLY THE ACT OF LAWLESS RUF. to deprive the South of all participation in what 'hey
FIANS UNDER THE SANCTION OF NO PUBLIC OR call common Territories of the United States. Thit
POLITICAL POWER,” etc.- Report of Select Com- was the ground on which the Senator from Missis-ippi
mittee of the Senate on th: Ilurper's Ferry affair; (Mr. Davis) predicated his opposition to the comprom se

measu es of 1850. He regarded a refusal to repeal the This report is signed “J. M. Mason, Chair- refusal to recognize by an act of Congress the right to

Mexican law as quivalent to the Wilmot Proviso; a man, Jefferson Davis, G. N. Fitch." It ought carry a sluve there as equivalent to the Wi'mot Proviso; to be good authority on the question whether a re usal 10 deny to a Territorial Leg slature the right any laws are ri quired “to punish conspiraci's believed at that time that this doctrine did amount to

to exc ude slavery as equivalent to an exclusion. He and combinations with intent to do the act,” | a denial of southern rights, and he told the p. ople of as also on the other question whether the Re-Missi-sippi so; but they doubted it. Now, let us see publican party is responsible for John Brown's verified. I infer that he told the people sı), for as he

how far his predictions and suppositions have been ruid.

makes a charge in his bill of indictment against me, that I am hostile to Southern rights, because I gave

those votes. MR. DOUGLAS JUSTIFIES DISUNION.

“Now, what has been the result? My views were In the Sedition Law speech, above referred incorporated into the compromise measures of 1850, to, Mr. Douglas went so far as to justify the from all the territory acquired from Mexico ? What

and his were rejected. Has the South been excluded crime of disunion unless Congress should en- says the bill from the House of Representatives now on act the sort of law which he there proposed. your table, repealing the slave code in New Mexico, esAs he is now charging disur:ion quite furious- hi-tory of the country, that under the doctrine of non:

by

It is part of the ly against the Breckinridge faction, it is pro- intervention, this doctrine that you delight to call per to show that less than one year ago he squatrer sovereignty, the people of New Mexico have was encouraging the same thing himself. He introduced end protected s'avery in the whole of that

Terri ory. UNDER THIS DOCTRINE THEY HAVE said :

CONVERTED ATRACT OF FREE TERRITORY INTO “If the people of this country shall settle down into SLAVE TERRITOKY, MORE THAN FIVE TIMES the conviction that there is no power in the Federal THE SIZE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. UN. Government to protect each, and every State from vio- DER THIS DOCTRINE, SLAVERY HAS BEEN EX. lence, from aggression, from invasion, THEY WILL TENDED FROM THE RIO GRANDE TO THE GULF DE AND THAT THE CORD BE SEVERED and the

OF CALIFORNIA, AND FROM THE LINE OF THE weapons be restored to their hands with which they REPUBLIC OF MEXICO, NOT ONLY UP TO 36 deg. may defend themselves. HIS INQUIRY INVOLVES | 30 min., BUT UP TO 38 deg. GIVING YOU A DETHE QUESTION OF THE PERPE MUITY OF THE GREE AND A HALF MORE SLAVE TE RITORY UNION.”— Congressional Globe, 1859-60; page 552. THAN YOU EVER CLAIMED. In 1818 and 1949 and

1850, you only asked to have the line of 36 deg. 30 min. JEFF. DAVIS REPUDIATES THE SEDITION LAW.

The Nashville Convention fixed that as its ult matum.

I offered it in the Senate, in August 1948, and it was Two days after the Sedition law speech, adopted here, but rejected in the House of Represen aSenator Davis took the flvor and repudiated tives. You asked only up to 36 deg. 30 min., AND

NON-INTERVENTION HAS GIVEN YOU SLATE TERRITORY UP the whole thing as an alrming encroachment 10 38 deg —A DEGREE AND A HALF MORE THAN on the rights of the people. He said:

YOU ASKED; and yet you say that this is a sacrifice

of Southern rights ?
I welcome, sir, the apprehensions of the President
of the United States, and never would I enact a law

“ These are the fruits of this principle which the which would clothe the executive with the power to call

Senator from Mississippi regards as hostile to the rights

of the South. out the militia, to bring the army and the navy TO IN.

Where did you ever get any other fruits VADE A STATE TO DISCOVER WHO WITHIN

that were more palatable to your taste or refreshing to THAN STATE HAD IN HIS BREAST THE PURPOS

your strength ? What other inch of free territory has AT SOME FUTURE DAY TO COMMIT CRIME. If

been converted into slave territory on the American there be unlawful, treasonable organizations within a

continent, since the Revolution, except in New Mexico State, it belongs to the State sovereignty to inquire and

and Arizona, under the principle of non-intervention

affirmed at Charleston. to punish the offender.

If it be true that this princi

ple of non-intervention has conferred upon you all that It is proper for me, Mr. President, to say that it is in no feeling of partisan warfare between me and the Sen

immense territory; has protected slavery in that comator and the President, if any such exist, that I have paratively northern and cold region, where you did not mde the explanation. It is the deep interest I feel

expect it to go, cannot you trust the same principle fur. for the preservation of sound principles and the restric

ther South when you come to acquire additional terri. tion of the Federal Government from striding over the non-intervention, has given to slavery, all of New

tory from Mexico ? If it be true that this princi, le of sov-reiguties of the States to usurp such centralizing power, under the promptings of a momentary expedi. Mexico, which was surrounnded on nearly every side ency, as would destroy the great charter of our l'her by free territory, will not the same principle protect ty, and reduce the people to that condi.ion, from which quired, since they are now surrounded by slave terri

you in the northern S'ates of Mexico, when they are acthey rose-THE SUBJECTS OF A GOVERNMENT NOT WITHIN THEIR CONTROL.”-- Cong. Globe, tory; are several hundred miles further s'uth; have 1859-60 ; pages 589, 590.

many degrees of greater heat; and have a climate and soil adapted to southern products? Are you not satisfied with these practical re ults ?”

- Appendix to MR. DOUGLAS TELLS WHAT POPULAR SOVER- С'ong. Globe, 1859–60, page 314.

EIGNTY HAS DONE.
It will be admitted that Mr. Douglas is a

HIS LAST FLING AT TAE PEOPLE OF KANSAS. good judge of what his dogma of Popular The Hon. John Hickman, in his late speech Sovereignty”

” has accomplished during the l in Concert Hall, Philadelphia, after a scathing

*

*

*

*

« ZurückWeiter »