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to be President, if Douglas should be elected Mr Buchanan and Mr Marcy, were then atand die, two events which I hope and believe tacked in a magazine under Douglas's ausare equally in the future. I inquired out Mr pices, edited by George Sanders, as "old Johnson after I heard of his nomination, and fogies," and called upon to retire and I tell you what I learned of him. He is a re- give way to young America in the person of spectable gentleman of considerable ability; Mr Douglas, and through personal vituperatoo honest to pretend that he is a statesman. tion, strife and bitterness were engendered in He is a disunionist. Has run as disunion can- the Democratic party only healed by the didate for Governor. He has declared in favor fortunate nomination of General Pierce.of the opening of the African slave trade. He Here was Douglas's first attempt to make himmade a speech in 1856 in Philadelphia, in self President. It failed. The people make which he said that "he thought it was the best Presidents. When men can make themselves plan for capital to own its labor." What say Presidents, then indeed, has the pride and glory you to that, my laboring Douglas friends? He of our country faded. is in favor of Congressional intervention and protection of slave property in the territories, and made a speech for them within a month of the time when he was nominated to run on a ticket with a non-interventionist.

A Two Faced Ticket.

Hurrah for Johnson! he goes for intervention. Hurrah for Douglas! he goes for nonintervention unless the Supreme Court tells him to go the other way. Hurrah for Johnson! he goes against popular sovereignty. Hurrah for Douglas! he goes for popular sovereignty if the Supreme Court will let him! Hurrah for Johnson! he is for disunion! Hurrah for Douglas! he is for the Union, so he declares. Hurrah for Johnson! he is for the South! Hurrab for Douglas! he is for the North, at least he says so now.

The Committee nominated a ticket which is to be all things to all men, so that it may gain

some.

But shall we support the nominee of the Convention for President? At a former time I told you why I ought not to vote for Mr Douglas as a candidate for the Presidency; now let me say to you why I will not support him when put in nomination by his friends.

Douglas tries to make himself President in '52.

First, then, in order of time, I find him in 1852 a candidate for the Presidency and for eing his candidature by appealing to the lowest motives, by resorting to a species of attack which had never before been used, at least, among gentlemen of the same party. Mr Cass,

He brings Slavery Agitation iu Congress

in '54.

When the Democracy had carried that election for President with unequalled unanimity; when all parties had agreed to drop slavery agitation; when between North and South the bonds of Union were knitting stronger and firmer; when the Democratic party were in a majority in Congress from North and South; when the opposition to the successful administration of General Pierce was either silenced or broken in fragments and there was no hindrance to the country in her career of power and greatness, what was it, who was it, that changed all this? Who was it, for his own selfish purposes, that arrayed section against section; fanned into a blaze abolition agitation; "struck down as if by magic," to use the words of his Committee in their late address, "the Democratic party at the North," and armed brother against his brother's life on the plains of Kansas? The answer is the truth of God and History on my lips-Stephen A. Douglas !!! He Repeals the Missouri Compromise to break

down Pierce's Administration.

Grant the Missouri line was unconstitutional as we may all admit. Yet it was a matter of no practical importance at that point of time, and in course of litigation between party and party its constitutionality would have soon been declared by the Supreme Court, and the agitation in Congress in consequence of its disturbance have been saved to the country.

What is the history of this repeal of the Missouri Compromise? Was its repeal the long

thought of, carefully scanned measure of most importance weighed deliberately in the mind of a judicious statesman? Far from it. The truth of its history is this:-After Mr Douglas had from his Committee reported a bill for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska in the usual form of Territorial bills, and after, too, he had advocated the extension

of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, a Whig Senator from Kentucky remarked to him in substance, "Why don't you, Douglas, report a bill for the repeal of the Missouri line? Such a measure would be supported by the South and give you the lead of the administration." Douglas at once said "I will do it," and within forty-eight hours this measure of repeal was introduced as an amendment to the Kansas and Nebraska bill, uncalled for by the Southern Democracy, but which they were obliged to support, as it was right in itself and was advo cated by its author as a measure in their favor, which would open equally all the territory of the country to the citizens of all the States for emigration with their property. A specious but fallacious argument, because it is utterly impossible from the very nature of slave property itself, that it should compete with the emigration from free States into a part of the country where free labor could be successfully carried and where the climate causes a suspension of agricultural labor for any considerable portion of the year. Still the measure was supported substantially by all Southern members of Congress, and was claimed by Douglas to be a boon to the South which he had given

on,

them.

He tries again to be President in '56. For this he was burned in effigy, by the Republicans, for this he quarrelled with the 3000 ministers North, for this he claimed the support of the South in the Cincinnati Convention in 1856, on his second attempt to be President by a bid for Southern support.

The Administration of President Pierce having been brought into the support of this measure, and being conducted upon a strictly constitutional basis, commanded the respect of Southern Statesmen, and a growing distrust of Douglas prevented his receiving the votes in that Convention which he coveted, and they were then given to Mr Pierce.

The entire prostration of the Democratic party North, however, because of the evils which flowed from the Kansas bill, as plagues from Pandora's box, made Mr Buchanan a necessity and he was nominated.

His Strength but Sixty-three Votes.
In that Convention the actual strength of
Stephen A. Douglas was sixty-three votes, and
that number only. It is true that he got more
than that number on the ballot when he with-
drew, a withdrawal which is now claimed by
him as a merit, but which was in fact a trick.
It is no new thing for Mr Douglas to have votes
thrown for him in a Convention which do not
rightfully belong to him.

Douglas' Friends Entrap General Pierce's
Friends into Voting for him.

On the evening of the 5th of June of the Cincinnati Convention, mark the date! the friends of Mr Douglas proposed to the friends of General Pierce that Pierce's name should be withdrawn, and the votes of Mr Pierce should be given for Mr Douglas, and that the "Little Giant" would continue the contest with Mr Buchanan until a compromise candidate could be brought forward acceptable to all as in the case of Mr Polk and Mr Pierce himself. In accordance with this understanding, on the morning of the 6th of June, the bulk of the friends of Mr Pierce (Mr Hibbard, of New Hampshire, having withdrawn his name) voted for Douglas, and thus swelled his vote to 122, the prior ballot having been 63 for Douglas and 75 for Pierce.

Douglas Deserts them to gain the Confidence of Buchanan.

Mark what followed! Upon the second ballot of that day being announced, Mr Richardson, of Illinois, produced what purported to be a telegraphic dispatch from Douglas dated June 4th. One day before any ballot for President had been had, withdrawing Douglas' name from the ballot because as the despatch read. "From the telegraphic reports in the newspapers I fear an imbittered state of feeling is being engendered." How so, Mr Douglas? Was any feeling shown before the balloting? We had adopted the platform unanimously on that very June 4th. We had settled the New York case to the acquiescence of both wings. How

could the telegraph, which took two days time coming on! What was the ostensible ground to bring Douglas' dispatch to Cincinnati, car- of the attack? It was that the President had ry the news of the ballotings to Washington recommended the admission of Kansas under the same number of days in advance of the such a constitution as her delegates had seen fact? Was not the whole matter a ruse to bring fit to adopt and send to Congress for her adin the friends of Mr Pierce to the support of mission as a State. Douglas, so that he might have the merit of In so doing he calls for Congressional Inwithdrawing as the only competing candidate?

I thought so then, I know so now, and a comparison of the dates which I have taken from the journal shows the fact. It was another exhibition of Parliamentary tactics, in behalf of Mr Douglas, not of the most honest kind for the purpose of personal advancement.

The election of 1856 came on, and again the Democracy triumphed-and again the Repubpublican party seemed upon the verge of ex. tinction, or at least of perfect subjection to the Democracy.

tervention in the affairs of Kansas.

Now, whether we agree to that Kansas constitution or not, and for one I did not, what was it the duty of the Little Giant of the great principle of "Squatter Sovereignty" to do with it? Wby, simply to let it alone. It was the act of the people of Kansas, or, if it is claimed that it was forced upon them by fraud, still it was a fraud for their correction only. Congress had nothing to do with it, upon the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty. Yet, Mr Douglas claimed that Congress should intervene and override the organized action of the people of Kansas, and thus determine what was best to be done for them. If the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, the right of the people to manage their own affairs in their own way, means anything, it ought to have been applied then, if

ever.

If

But, Mr Douglas upon this question joined hands with the Republicans and opposed the Democratic Administration, which desired to give peace to the country by the measure. any Douglas man says the Democracy and Mr Buchanan were not right upon the Lecompton question, allow me, instead of giving py own opinion to read to you a part of a letter from an ardent Douglas advocate here, in Lowell, being the only one who took the trouble to go down to Boston and speak for Douglas at the Revere House, the other night. Here is the letter

He Courts the Republicans to carry Illinois. What new move will our Presidential aspirant make in the game of politics for his advancement? Will he still go South? No. He has now matter nearer home. His senatorial term is about expire as the administration of Mr Buchanan has just commenced its career. Kansas has framed a constitution, and is asking for admission to the Union. Peace will be given to the country and her bleeding wounds will be healed. It is necessary that something should be done to gain strength for himself in Illinois or Mr Douglas will lose his seat in the Senate. It is necessary that something should be done to check the prestige and popularity of the Democratic Administration because if it is a complete success; if nothing thwarts its course, if it gives peace to the country and all is quiet the people may demand the re-election of Mr Buchanan, and the glittering prize will be again removed too high for the short reach of WASHINGTON, Feb, 20, 1858. the Little Giant. "HON. A. V. BROWN-Dear Sir:-As we To that end he Attacks the Administration, were today speaking upon the subject of KanWhat will he do to break down this success- sas and its immediate admission as a State into ful Democratic administration? Before the the Union under the Lecompton Constitution, ink of the President's message to Congress was as made by the people of Kansas, through their dry, without the usual courtesy of waiting for legally constituted servants, in the exercise of the printing, Mr Douglas began an attack upon the President and his policy, because it was too much in favor of the South. So the wind has Dow changed North! The Illinois election is

their sovereignty guaranteed to the people by the Constitution and laws of the United States, I desire to say to you further, and I take this way to do so-that the only way in my opinion

to give peace to the country and justice to Kan- the whole way? In fine, does not Douglas himself say, in effect, in a recent speech, that he stands half way between the Democratic and Republican parties?

sas, is to admit her into the Union immediate ly, with the present Lecompton Constitution, upon the well taken ground of President Buchanan, set forth so nobly in his special message upon that subject to Congress, every line of which I fully endorse."

*

* Signed, EDWIN A. ALGER. He Aids the Republicans and seeks Aid from them.

Indeed, he does stand there, like the Angel, the precursor of the seven plagues, told of in *the Book of Revelation, "one foot on sea and one on solid land," holding out a little book of doctrine which, in the mouth, is the sweet honey of popular sovereignty, and in the belly, the bitter doctrines of Republicanism.

The Duty of Democrats.

Upon this measure I have said Mr Douglas went with the Republicans, nay more, he went farther, courted their support in the Illinois election, and the Republicans of that State way. We are either Republicans or Democrats,

found fault with their brethren of other States in that contest that they gave so much support and sympathy to Douglas. Still further, will any man, who knows anything about the facts, deny that a scheme was broached and discussed as to the policy of making Douglas an opposition leader and all the elements of opposition rallying under him. I call as a wit ness upon this a distinguished Senator of Massachusetts, to say whether at the time of the opposition of the Lecompton Constitution, Mr Douglas did not say in reference to his action with the Republicans, "I have ticketed my baggage clear through." If the Republicans would have received him, in my judgment Douglas would have gone with them, but his hopes were rather damped when he asked a sturdy old Senator what the Republicans thought of him [Douglas ] "Why," was the tart reply, "we look upon you as a pirate, who has put into our port ia a stress of weather, and as soon as it is calm again, and you are refitted, yon will be out preying upon us as before."

To us, fellow Democrats, there is no half

if we act from principle. If we follow the fortunes of Douglas, we simply attach ourselves to a chief who, for twelve years, has labored simply for bis own success, regardless of the good of his party, the triumph of his principles or the peace and welfare of his country. From the facts I have shown you, therefore, I could not, I cannot, I will not support his pretensions to the Presidency, which are sustained wholly by selfishness.

Breckinridge and Lane the True Representatives of Democracy.

What, then, shall we do? After the disorganization of the Democratic Convention, an almost unanimous majority of the delegates of the Democratic States met together and have recommended the names of BRECKINRIDGE and LANE as your candidates in the present canvass. To neither of them can any point and say that they ever did an undemocratic act, or swerved from a Democratic principle.

Soldiers both, they offered their lives in the cause of their country in Mexico, while the Senator from Illinois was enjoying popular favor and office, and intriguing for the Presiden

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The Charge of being Disunionists Answered.

Have not his friends aided the Republicans in electing a Speaker and Clerk of the House of Representatives? Is not that same Clerk-cy at his ease at home. Mr Forney-now his most available supporter in Pennsylvania? Does not he, a Republican, Clerk of a Republican House, through the columns of the Press," dictate to the friends of Douglas in that State?

Breckinridge has already filled the second office in the Nation with entire satisfaction to the whole people; is not that a guarantee that Does not Mr Burlingame say that he hails he is fit for the first? In all the strife; in all every Douglas flag as an ally to the Republi- the investigations of the Republicans; in all can party? That Douglas has come over half the committees of enquiry or of accusation, way to the Republicans, and he expects him what word of suspicion, even, has been breath

ed upon the principles or acts of Breckinridge? tion of those who organize their followers* to Since bis nomination, but never before, he has break up our democratic meetings, and to read been called a Disunionist. In a speech but a me out of the democratic party, I have someday or two since at Frankfort, in the presence thing to do, and I propose to ask you as to of his life long friends and political opponents, their democracy. who could have gainsayed the declaration, if it were not true, he proudly said: "I am an American and a Kentuckian, who never did an act or cherished a thought that was not full of devotion to the Constitution and the Union." Proud words, proudly spoken, and incapable of contradiction.

Southern Supporters of Douglas for Disun

ion and the African Slave Trude.

Yet we, who support this gallant and conservative leader, are called disunionists, and charged with being untrue to democracy. By whom is this charge made? by Pierre Soule, an avowed disunionist, in Louisiana; by John Forsyth and the "Atlanta Confederacy," in Georgia, which maintains the duty of the South to leave the Union if Lincoln is elected; and yet these same men are the foremost of the South era supporters of Douglas; by Gaulding, of Georgia, who is now stumping the State for Douglas, making the same speech that he made in the Convention at Baltimore, where he ar

gued that nonintervention meant that Congress had no power to prevent the exportation of negroes from Africa, and that the Slave trade was the true popular sovereignty in full expan sion.

I have already shown you that E A. Aiger, Esq., has written a letter "endorsing every line" of Mr Buchanan's Lecompton policy, when he was an applicant for the Lowell Post Office, and is now going to Boston to make speeches for Douglas at the Revere House, as well as being a prime mover in the disturbances, the other night, in this Hall.

They take Oaths in a Secret League in a

darkened room.

But what say you to this for democracy? Suppose a partially lighted upper chamber, around which certain gentlemen are sitting, in in solemn conclave; at one end is a raised dais, upon which sits the president,dressed in funereal black. Three slowly measured knocks are heard from without, answered by a like number within. A challenge is heard, and a sign is made, a pass word is given, and a hoodwinked gentleman is led in, and thus addressed:

PRESIDENT:-My Friend-As an addition al guarantee of your good faith, we desire your

assent to an agreement which we have all taken, and intend faithfully to maintain. You will therefore place your right hand on your left breast, and repeat after me this agreement. Where I pronounce my name, you will pronounce yours, all speaking together, and distinctly :

The Oath and Obligation.

Would you believe it, fellow citizens, that this speech was applauded in the Douglas convention, and that too by a delegate from Massachusetts, aye, and from Middlesex County. When I left that convention, I declared that, AGREEMENT.—I, [Alpheus R. Brown,] in the I would no longer sit where the African slave presence of these witnesses, without hesitation or trade, made piracy and felony by the laws of mental reservation, do solemnly pledge MY SACmy country, was openly advocated and applaud- RED HONOR AS A MAN that I will not make known ed. Yet such, at the South, are the supporters to any person or persons, any of the passwords, of Douglas. igns, secrets, mysteries, or objects of this organization, unless it be to those whom I shall know to be members of the same in good standing; that I will not communicate, by word, sign, or device, or in any way, directly or indirectly, any of the secrets or objects of the organization, to those not in good standing with it, nor suffer it to be improperly done by others

His Northern Supporters are Abolitionists
and Disappointed Office Seekers.
Let us look at the political record of one or
two, at the North, in our immediate neighbor-
hood. I mean to say nothing of their personal
characters or social position. These I treat
with all respect, but with the political ac-
* Referring to those who came into a former meeting and by yells and noises disturbed and broke it up.

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