power, or the peace and integrity of the Union. tive act emancipating any slave existing at the But whatever the South may do, let Kentucky date of the enactment, without the owner's stand aloof, and exhibit another illustration consent, or full compensation. And he would of the emblematic motto inscribed in sunshine prefer that it should also prohibit any legis on her escutcheon-" UNITED WE STAND,lative act for emancipating the post nati withDIVIDED WE FALL."

out a concurrence of three-fifths of each branch Had this lot been cast in a land of universal of the Legislature, and also without some freedom, he never would consent that its vir effectual provision for the benevolent and cergin bosom should be soiled by the tread of tain deportation and settlement of all the perslavery, or its tranquility disturbed by the sons emancipated. He would desire a concry of a slave. Of course, were he a resident currence of more than a bare majority, because of California, he would oppose the introduc- he would doubt the policy and stability of tion of slavery there. But the people of that any system to which about one half of the country, like the people here, should be left freemen of the State are opposed. But no free to regulate their own domestic relations in reasonable man could object to the initiation their own way; and, if they should desire to of a prospective system when three-fifths of have slaves, Congress-though in his opinion the voters, after a satisfactory experiment, possessing the power to prevent them while should concur in the adoption of it. But on in a territorial state of dependence on the un- this point he would not be tenacious. He limited legislation of the General Government-would be satisfied, if a majority prefer it, with would act unwisely, as well as unjustly, to ex-a constitutional power to amend the State, ercise it, and more especially as, in that case, just as the Federal Constitution, in any one the act, being altogether unnecessary, would provision without a revision of the whole. seem to be wantonly intended for the political He would be willing also to make illegal im aggrandisement. of one section of the [portation a Penitentiary offence. Union, and therefore would be the more ungracious and offensive to another section, which, though not quite so populous, is at least as intelligent and patriotic.

In reference to slavery, said Mr. R., the trus and only proper or available contest in the selection of delegates to the convention, would be on the question whether the policy of the Slavery in Kentucky, continued Mr. R., is a act of '33, with the sanction of the act of '78, moral and political evil. The children of should be incorporated in the constitution. slaveholders are injured, and many of them That issue will be easily understood by all; ruined by it; and it has greatly reduced Ken- and if the conservative party prevail, the tritucky's ratio of political power; for whilst she, umph will be permanent, and its fruits will the årst born of the old "13," has only ten re-be satisfactory to every considerate patriotic presentatives in Congress, Ohio, younger in and practical citizen. If Kentucky ought not to origin and inferior in physical adaptations, has be a slave State, this policy will liberate her already twenty-one representatives in the same as soon as any other, and more certainly and body. But the slaves here are so numerous, satisfactorily. If she be destined to perpetual and slavery itself is so interwined with the slavery, the fact will be soon ascertained, and social or personal habits of the free popula- the country will acquiesce, without agitation, tion as, in his judgment, to forbid the adoption in a destiny which will then be found to be now of any system of emancipation with a natural and inevitable. And, sir, said he, rational hope of a consummation either sa- when the issue is made between those who are tisfactory or beneficial. Before this can be in favor of perpetuating slavery and those done, the number of slaves must be consider- who are for standing still and doing nothing ably diminished and the people more and which will tend to its perpetuation, the vote more assimilated to the non-slaveholding will be apt to prove that the pro-slavery par habits and condition. The experiment of non-ty are in a small minority-and then the overimportation will soon decide whether Ken-whelming party of conservatism will, for all tucky is destined long to continue a slave just ulterior purposes, have the power in their state, and will in proper time we hope devel- own hands to use at the proper time and in ope public sentiment on that subject. It is the best mode.

the interest of all-the duty of all-to try For advocating the foregoing plan, and for hat experiment. Whatever may be its final re-uttering the foregoing sentiments he had (be aults, its operation will be beneficial to all par-said) been charged with encouraging abolities-masters and slaves, the pro-slavery par- tionism. If this be abolitionism, God bless ty, the emancipation party, and the conserva- and prosper it. He had also been rebuked on tive party. This he had already endeavoured this floor as recreant from fidelity to Kentucky, to show, and he would add nothing more on and ungraciously warned that his cheeks that subject. The only mode of effectuating would be mantled with the blush of shame. the non-importation policy of 1778. and of He feared no such consequence as likely to 1833, would be to make the prohibition and follow his opposition to a bill for the benefit the sanction of the former act fundamental, of "negro traders," at the expense of the prosby imbedding them in the constitution. Then, perity and happiness of his native and bethe sanction upholding the prohibition, both loved Commonwealth. But who made this would be placed above legislative caprice, charge, and against whom was it made? The and stand without violation or evasion. The accuser is comparatively a young man who constitution ought also to prohibit any legisla- has no peculiar stake in the welfare of the

State, nor has done anything extraordinary for been organised and enrolled, and counted a promoting it a batchelor, unmoved by any of majority of 22. Still he had some hope that the sympathies which bind the heart of man so great a misfortune as the passage of the most strongly to his country-an isolated be- bill may, some how or other, be averted from ing-wifeless-childless-homeless-"a root the country. But, having endeavored faithout of dry ground." And of whom does this fully to do his duty, he would be guiltless of young man thus hazardously speak? One the consequences, whatever they may be. On whose parents immigrated to Kentucky in the the subject of slavery, his posterity should ne"hard winter of '79," encountered all the per- ver shake "their gory locks" at him. And if it ils and privations of the early settlement, and, shall ever be his posthumous fortune to have after having helped, by their virtues and their a monument to commemorate his poor name, example, to make her what she is, now sleep he would desire no better epitaph than thisbeneath her sod in horor and peace-one who "Born in a slave State, he never disturbed his was born in Kentucky and married in Ken-country's peace on the subject of Slavery nor tucky--whose children dead are buried here, uttered a sentiment or did an act tending to agand whose children living are all around him gravate its evils or prolong its existence." Venwith a large posterity identified with the eration for the precedents stereotyped in the honour of their native State-one who, now past history of Virginia and Kentucky-regrown old in the service of Kentucky, never spect for the memory of the patriots and did anything of which she complained, but statesmen who established and upheld them, has always endeavoured to contribute his and regard for the welfare of posterity, all rehumble mite to the establishment of her require the rejection of this bill. And, to help, nown-one who is indebted for all he has or hopes for on earth, to the kindness of Kentucky, and expects ere long, to repose, with his kindred, in the bosom of the mother clay which gave him birth-one, in fine, who, without egotism, may be permitted to say that he is, as he could not but be and ever has been, every inch, a true Kentuckian in the sterling import of that honored title. And it is because he is what he is and feels therefore for Kentucky's welfare as he does feel, that he is so much opposed to this "negro trader's" bill. Believing, as he does, that the agitation and passage of it now will be pregnant with dishonor and irreparable mischief, he feels that, though he claims no more stoical patriotism other free and filial Kentuckian ought to possess in regard to sacrifices for the benefit of his State, rather than be instrumental in passing this bill, he would, Mutius like, suffer his right hand to be burnt to the stump. But he feared that, in endeavoring to defeat this pestilent law, he was on a forlorn hope. He had heard that the party in favor of it had 42

than

any

if anything earthly can help to defeat it, he would call on the memories of the past, appeal to the interest of posterity, and invoke, (pointing to the portraits of Washington and Lafayette,) the Spirit of the Father of his country and that also of his friend and coadjutor by his side, both benefactors and liberators of mankind-to hover over this House, and inspire its members with practical wisdom and becoming moderation. The welfare of Kentucky, for generations to come, may be involved in this bill. If it fall, Kentucky ought to clap her hands with joy; and if the coming Convention shall also incorporate in the new Constitution, the policy of '38 with a sufficient sanction, the page recording these glorious events, will be one of the brightest in the annals of our noble Commonwealth, and the names of the statesmen who shall have contributed to the luster of that enduring record, will be embalmed in the memory, and consecrated by the gratitudo of a long line of blessed posterity.

ADDRESS

To the People of Fayette when a Candidate for the Convention.

The position which I occupy as a candidate | glorious and beneficent to mankind; and for the Convention, being misunderstood or trusting in the benevolent purposes of that misrepresented-especially on the subject of overruling guardianship, I cannot doubt that slavery-I feel it my duty to you, as well as to myself and to my principles, to define that position in a mode which will be accessible to all and leave no pretext for misconception hereafter.

the day will come, when all mankind will be prepared to enjoy, and will therefore enjoy, civil, religious, and personal liberty and light. But I apprehend that day is not our day. I have no hope of living to see even The present Constitution of Kentucky is, in Kentucky a free State. To cease peacefully my judgment, the best in the Union. It is not or advantageously here, slavery must run its perfect, because no work of man ever was or natural course and wear out. And, if let alone ever will be. Nor is there, probably, one intel--if neither increased by importations, nor ligent citizen of the Commonwealth, who tampered with by fanaticism-it will run its would not make some alteration in it, if he race in Kentucky and find its appropricould. But no constitution was ever adopted, which any one, even of those who concurred in the adoption of it, preferred in every respect. Being a common work, it must be the offspring of a compromise of conflicting in terests and opinions, whereby each party to it surrenders more or less of what he would individually prefer. Although I have but little hope that we are now prepared to make a better Constitution than that under whose banner many of us were born and our State has prospered and been eminently honored, yet it is my interest and my desire that we shall adopt one as good as our collective reason and experience will enable us to make, all acting soberly for ourselves and for those who shall

ate grave, in its appointed time, as certainly as wisdom, benevolence, and power preside over the destinies of men. Its natural life may be longer or shorter; but, sooner or later, its doomed death is certain. I am not for trying, by empirical patent medicines, to prolong its artificial life, or hasten a premature and convulsive death. But I would administer such remedies as may make it as sound and health ful as it is capable of being, as long as it is destined to exist. For reasons which I will explain on more proper occasions, I am opposed to all attempts to provide in the new Constitution, for a prospective system of Emancipation. At the same time, I am opposed to doing or suffering to be done, any thing that will increase the evils or jeopard the soundness There is great danger that a headlong agita- of slavery as it now exits among us. I am, tion of questions concerning slavery will de- therefore, in favor of preventing the importathrone reason and instal passion as the arbi-tion of more slaves from abroad by some fundtress in the approaching Convention, and amental provision, which will be supreme and place in it many members who are neither inviolate. And, for this policy, I will briefly soundly conservative on other more radical suggest the following principal reasons, heresubjects, nor in any proper respect qualified after to be elucidated and enforced on more for framing an organic law for the great Com-eligible occasions: monwealth of Kentucky. This agitation I have long apprehended and anxiously en-adhered to by our mother, Virginia, ever since 1st. The non-importation policy has been deavored, as far as I could, to prevent; and con- 1778; with the approbation, of course, of her sequently, come as it may, I shall feel guiltless statesmen and people, headed, too, by such of any of its injurious consequences. It is unreasonable and could and should be avoided. patriots as Washington, Jefferson, Madison, is strong proof of its wisdom. Patrick Henry, Marshall, and Monroe. This

come after us.

I am not one of those who believe that do mestic slavery is a blessing, moral or physical, to the white race. I cannot believe that it makes us richer, more moral, more religious, more peaceful, more secure, or more happy nor can I admit that, under its various influences, our children become more industrious, more practical, or more useful; and I am sure that free labor is degraded, and laboring freemen greatly injured by slavery. If, in the dispensation of an all-wise Providence, it could be obliterated from the face of the earth, I should consider the achievement as most

3rd. There are now as many slaves in our-the value of augmented production. Not State as the best interests of slave-holders only also does slave labor tend to the disparthemselves would allow; the importation of agement of free labor, and thereby make it more would only reduce the value of the servi-comparatively rare, but a considerable reducces of those we now have, and tend to make tion in the price of servile labor must result slaves worse and their tenure less secure and in the starvation or expatriation of mechanics comfortable; and, hence, northern abolitionists and other freemen, whose honorable destiny would be pleased with that result, and there- it may be to live and feed their dependent fore they favor the policy of increasing the wives and children by the sweat of their brow. number and circumscribing the theater of And as these useful and productive citizens slaves in all the slave-holding States. leave us, their places will be filled by worthless 4th. As the law now stands, persons who and comparatively unproductive slaves, and wish to buy slaves for their own use will not this garden of the great West may finally be generally, if at all, import them, because the monopolized by a bloated aristocracy, whose kind they would buy cannot be obtained in staple business will consist of breeding, feedany other State cheaper than in Kentucky-ing, and selling negroes. Besides, as this genthe experiment has lately been tried by a com- eration is not responsible for the existence of pany, whose agent has just returned from slavery, it ought not, by the voluntary imporVirginia without one slave. But exporters of tation of more slaves from abroad, to make horses, mules, &c., may exchange their stock itself responsible for throwing on posterity for likely slaves of bad and mischeivous qual- an accumulated and perhaps unmanageable ities, because these they may buy for a re- and destructive burden. duced price, which will afford them a profit here-selling, as they might, the slaves according to appearance, without communicating, and perhaps without knowing their vi cious propensities or other bad qualities. And thus our slave population would be injuriously corrupted, and our peace and security en- most ultra of the pro-slavery men, that the dangered. And thus also our export trade policy is wise and must be beneficial to them, would be comparatively unproductive in as well as all to others. And if any of them consequence of the importation of slaves in-will still denounce it as an "emancipation stead of money, and slaves too that would, not move," they must also consider the Father of increase the aggregate wealth of the State, but his Country, and other illustrious Virginians, probably reduce it by a resulting reduction in emancipationists, and Virginia, South Carolithe value of slave labor. The history of our domestic trade before and since 1833 proves this deduction undeniably.

As long as that law was reasonably observed, the prosperity of the State increased in an unexampled ratio. In seven years immediately succeeding the enactment of it, the aggregate wealth of Kentucky rose from one hundred and twenty-six millions to about two hundred and forty millions of dollars!

Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi 6th. Not only Virginia, but Maryland, both have, long since, adopted the importation poliy-and Mississippi has inserted it in her ConThis ought to prove, even to the

stitution.

na, Mississippi, &c., emancipation States!— This is all humbug-which ought not to deceive or mislead honest and patriotic citizens; and of this you ought to be satisfied when you see such counties as Bourbon, Mason, Shelby, Jefferson, Boyle, Garrard, Madison, and a host of others, uniting, some of them almost unanimously, in the purpose of prohibiting, in the new Constitution, the further importation of

slaves.

It is idle to argue that slaves will not be For these, as well as other reasons, the imported by negro traders and exporters of owners of slaves, and those who neither own stock. They were the chief importers under nor wish to own any, ought to favor non-imthe laws of 1794 and 1815, both of which, like portation. If it be the interest of Kentucky the existing law, authorized importations for use and Lot for sale; and they will yet be the almost exclusive importers--and by their operations, the currency, as all experience testifies, will be embarrassed and reduced by large investments in negroes, and by extensive exchanges of stock and produce for slaves, instead of money, imported.

that slavery should be perpetuated, this policy, however fundamental, would not frustrate, but would prudently, tranquilly, and progressively promote that destiny by rendering slave property more desirable and productive.

The emancipationist, as well as the perpetualist, should advocate the same policy of nonimportation of more slaves for the following

reasons:

5th. As labor is the ultimate test of the price of products, a reduction in the price of slave labor, resulting from increasing the number of 1st. If, in climate and products, Kentucky slaves, will produce a corresponding reduc- be as much adapted as the planting and more tion in the exchangeable value of the proceeds Southern States to slave labor, slavery will of that labor: and though a buyer or hirer of exist here as long as it shall continue there, slave may have something less to pay, yet he and no legislative expedient can prevent it; will not be, relatively, a gainer-for the value and, on this hypothesis, surely the philanthroof the slave and of his service will be reduced pist would desire to see slaves as good and as correspondingly with the diminished cost of comfortable as possible, and as little subject purchase or of hire, and even in a greater ratio (as possible to be torn from those they love.

a

332

MR. ROBERTSON'S ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF FAYETTE.

2nd. Emancipation now is utterly hopeless the public treasury, and thus paralyze and -public sentiment is not prepared for it-and render unequal and contemptible any mere even if it were otherwise, no permanent, just legislative enactment prohibiting importations. and practicable scheme could be devised until If non-importation be right-it must be right the number of slaves shall be considerably to secure the enforcement of it; and it must diminished-and this can be effected only by be as right and proper to secure this by the non-importation and voluntary exportation. Constitution as any thing else that should be If this generation, or its successor, be destined secured inviolate. And, as history abundantly to see the day of universal freedom in Ken- proves, he cannot be practically in favor of tucky, the dawn of that day will have been the act of 1833, who would even disapprove s preceded by non-importation. constitutional provision to the same effect. 3rd. If it be the interest and destiny of Ken- If it should be found inconvenient, the people, tucky to get rid of slavery, that result will be under the clause authorizing special amendaccomplished by non-importation more certain-ments, could, and soon would strike it out. ly, more satisfactorily, and more speedily than The only object of inserting it in the Constiin any other mode. On the hypothesis sugges-tution is to place it above legislative caprice, ted, public sentiment, backed by interest, would and make it stable and uniform as long as soon begin to converge to that point, and the public sentiment shall approve it. ultimate result would be accelerated by antici- Now, why cannot all good and wise menpation. This, I think, might be made evident by various considerations, if it be assumed as true that slavery is incompatible with the interest and high destiny of our State. If, then, emancipation be prudent and practicable at any future period, non-importation will not only be indispensable, but will certainly lead to it. And if it be not prudent or practicable at some future day, non-importation will improve the quality and value of slave property, and promote the peace, security and wealth of the State.

all who wish to preserve the peace, the reason, and the safety of the Commonwealth-all who, prudent and firm, of whatever party, desire to accomplish the best of practical ends, and to not lose even these, as well as more, by recklessly attempting what is either unattainable or unreasonable-why cannot-why will not all such men unite on the foregoing platform?

Emancipation, prospective or immediate, in my judgment, is not the true or proper issue; and I do seriously apprehend that the agitaI, therefore, am not of any extreme party. tion of it by pro-slavery men or emancipation I am for a Constitution which will guaranty men would result in the defeat of the non-imthe inviolability of slave property-and also portation policy and in the production of perprohibit future importations of slaves, with a nicious passions and disorganizations which sanction that will uphold the prohibition. I the forlorn wisdom of an age may not cure. am also in favor of a provision authorizing, The late Convention at Frankfort, as I unlike the Federal Constitution, partial amend-derstand, proposed to waive that issue and inments without involving, as our present Consist only on non-importation and the right to stitution does, the whole organic fabrick. adopt special amendments of the Constitution. And in this I am sustained by the Convention I believe that, in their sober senses, a large party, who, in their published programme, majority of the people would co-operate in recommend such a provision. I would not preserving the peace and guarding the security object to the legislative power to provide for prospective emancipation whenever three-fifths of the people decide in favor of it; which majority, or something near it, I would require for any other amendment-believing that no Constitution could have proper stability if a bare majority could, at any time, change it.

of the State, by uniting on the only safe or practicable point of concurrence, whereby all would be finally benefited and none would surrender anything of principle or of attainable interest. It seems plain to me, indeed self-evident, that all, whose paramount object is their country's welfare, should unite on I have, much to my surprise, however, heard the non-importation policy, and thereby give of some persons, who, whilst they aver that they repose to society, stability to our policy, approve the non-importation policy, are, never-and security to our institutions. And then theless, somehow or other, so much opposed to also the people, looking dispassionately at its being made fundamental, as to have resolved to vote for no person as a delegate to the Convention, who, though coincident with them in every other matter, will vote to embed non-importation in the Constitution so as to make it operate effectually! This feeling is, Will it be prudent or safe for those who to me, inscrutable. The act of 1833 was, may be opposed to emancipation in any form for years, almost a dead letter-the acts of or at any time, to oppose the non-importation 1815 and of 1794 were mere mockeries, and policy merely because others, who have been had no operation. Besides, if the legislature characterized as emancipationists, have rehave the power, it will, as always hitherto, solved to support it and are willing to comlegalize individual importations, at the cost of promise upon that basis? I could not approve

other and more fundamental issues, may prudently select, throughout the State, their best and most trustworthy citizens to the Convention-without doing which they cannot expect a good or safe Constitution.