rection of all the separate Constitutions. For it would take at least a year to convince thirteen States, that the Constitutions they have practised ever since the Revolution, without observing any imperfections in them so great as to be worth the trouble of amendment, are nevertheless so ill formed as to be unfit for continuation, or to be parts of a federal government. And, when they should be so convinced, it would probably take some years more to make the corrections.

An eighth State has since acceded, and when a ninth is added, which is now daily expected, the constitution will be carried into execution. It is probable, however, that, at the first meeting of the new Congress, various amendments will be proposed and discussed, when I hope your Ouvrage sur les Principes et le Bien des Républiques en général, &c. &c., may be ready to put into their hands; and such a work from your hand I am confident, though it may not be entirely followed, will afford useful hints, and produce advantages of importance.

But we must not expect, that a new government may be formed, as a game of chess may be played, by a skilful hand, without a fault. The players of our game different, their prejudices

are so many, their ideas so so strong and so various, and their particular interests, independent of the general, seeming so opposite, that not a move can be made that is not contested; the numerous objections confound the understanding; the wisest must agree to some unreasonable things, that reasonable ones of more consequence may be obtained ; and thus chance has its share in many of the determinations, so that the play is more like tric-trac with a box of dice.

We are much pleased with the disposition of your government to favor our commerce, manifested in the

late réglement. You appear to be possessed of a truth, which few governments are possessed of, that A must take some of B's produce, otherwise B will not be able to pay for what he would take of A. But there is one thing wanting to facilitate and augment our intercourse. It is a dictionary, explaining the names of different articles of manufacture in the two languages. When I was in Paris, I received a large order for a great variety of goods, particularly of the kind called hard wares, that is, wares of iron and steel; and when I showed the invoice to your manufacturers, they did not understand what kind of goods or instruments were meant by the names; nor could any English and French dictionary be found to explain them. So I sent to England for one of each sort, which might serve both as explanation and as a model, the latter being of importance likewise, since people are prejudiced in favor of forms they have been used to, though perhaps not the best. They cost me twenty-five guineas, but were lost by the way, and, the peace coming on, the scheme dropped. It would, however, as I imagine, be well worth reviving, for our merchants say, we still send to England for such goods as we want, because there they understand our orders, and can execute them precisely. With great and sincere esteem, I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

FROM M. DE CONDORCET TO B. FRANKLIN.

Constitution of the United States. - Affairs in France.

Translation.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Paris, 8 July, 1788.

I beg you to assure the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia of my gratitude for the honor, which it has done me in electing me a member, and to present at the same time my thanks for the volume it has been kind enough to send me.

I have seen your new federal constitution, and the speech pronounced by you on that occasion. If it was necessary to finish it at once, if it was impossible to obtain any thing better, we must regard it as among the necessary evils, and hope that the opposition will be strong enough to require a few years hence a new convention. I see with pain, that the aristocratic spirit seeks to introduce itself among you, in spite of so many wise precautions. At this moment it is throwing every thing into confusion here. Priests, magistrates, nobles, all unite against the poor citizens, who are of a very different character. This league, so numerous in itself, has increased its strength by clamors against despotism. It is true, that it has taken the very moment when the King is acknowledging the rights of the nation, and promising to restore them; but the word is a hateful one, and in this country words are more than things.

I hope, however, that we shall get through, and that we shall have neither civil war nor bankruptcy, in spite of all that our pretended patriots are saying and doing to lead us to both. Adieu, my dear friend; may you long enjoy your glory, but let it not make you forget

the friends and the admirers, whom you have left on the other side of the ocean. I am, &c.

CONDORCET.

FROM THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD TO

B. FRANKLIN.

Constitution of the

United States. - Washington.
Political Condition of France.

Varennes, 12 July, 1788.

Translation.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

I have heard from you indirectly, through M. le Veillard and the Abbé de la Roche, more recently than by the letter, which you were kind enough to write to me some time since. I learn from the former gentleman, that we may soon expect the Memoirs of your life, which you promised him so long ago. What a precious monument this memoir must be, written as it is by a true philosopher, whose genius has thrown light upon physical and political science, has taught us what lightning is, and how we may avoid it; what liberty is, and how we may acquire and preserve it; and who, uniting to rich intellectual gifts the kindest social feelings, has shown, that he knows the value of friendship, and how compatible it is with sentiments of respect and veneration; a philosopher, too, who can judge himself with the same impartiality, with which he would judge others. It will be a gift most dear to your friends, who will always pray, that the last chapter of a life so valuable to humanity may have the longest possible

extent.

We see with pleasure, that your infirmities, though they do not leave you, still do not increase; and since

they have allowed you for the last three years to labor in public affairs, we hope that they will now allow you to enjoy for a long period the repose and tranquillity, which should close so great a career.

Eight States, then, have accepted the new federal constitution. Virginia is to be the ninth, so that it will presently go into operation, with a few modifications made upon the original plan adopted by the convention. There is one point, on which I have heard no objections, which yet seems to me liable to a great many. I mean the extent of the power granted to the President, and the possibility of his occupying the place for an indefinite period. I love to believe that Washington, your worthy companion in the great American revolution, will give to the world the example of a man, who has willingly set bounds to his own power; that, when placed by his fellow citizens in the highest office, he will point out to them the evils of too blind a confidence, and, directing it to a noble end, he will provide proper restraints upon his own power, and that of his successors less worthy than himself.

While you are busy in these great matters, France, whom you left talking zealously of liberty for other nations, begins to think, that a small portion of this same liberty would be a very good thing for herself. Good works for the last thirty years, and your good example for the last fourteen, have enlightened us much; while our ministers, sometimes despotic, and sometimes rapacious, have, by their attacks upon personal liberty or property, led men to the examination of great principles; an ignorance of which, sometimes real and sometimes conventional, left us in a state of calm, which was by no means happiness, though frivolous, unenlightened, and stupid people, who are the largest class, thought it was.