NEW SERIES. NO. 4-VOL. VIII.] BALTIMORE, MARCH 24, 1821. [No. 4-VoL.XX. WHOLE NO. 498 THE PAST-THE PRESENT FOR THE FUTURE. EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. XILES, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE, The supreme court adjourned sine die, on Friday it has not been sanctioned according to customary the 16th, after disposing of much important business. forms, and that the senate of the United States is no longer bound in duty, honor, or good faith, to Mr. CLAY, previous to his departure from Wash-carry it into effect; and that copies of the foregoington, was invited to and partook of a public din- ing be forwarded to our senators and representaner at Brown's hotel; intended as a mark of respect tive in congress. for his long and distinguished services in congress. French crowns and five franc pieces, are a legal tender by the laws of the United States, until the 29th of April, 1822, being continued as such by the act of March 3, 1820. There is no provision for the parts of these coins. The crowns, if weighing 18 dwts, and 17 grs. are rated at 110 cents-but as in general they are much worn, the banks in NewYork take them only at 109 cents. We have just received a "memoir on the geography, natural and civil history of Florida, with a map of that country, connected with the adjacent places: and an appendix containing the treaty of cession and other papers relative to the subject-by William Darby," well known as a geographer, and from several valuable works which he has published. We have not had time even to run over this memoir; but have examined the map and compared it with others. It is a neat map, and bears strong POPULATION-1820. We have just received the evidence that it is a better one than any ever be aggregates of the population of the several coun-fore presented to the people of the United States. ties of Kentucky-the general amount is 563,333; Mr. Darby is excellent in things of this sort. the number of whom that are slaves is not stated. Florida, in every respect, is a valuable acquisiThis class of people, in 1810, amounted to 80,561, tion to us. It may cause & considerable revolution and probably do not now much exceed 100,000. In in things, domestic and foreign. It opens to us a 1816, we calculated that the population of this state large tract of country, capable of furnishing imwould exceed 650,000, in 1820--but then we had no mense supplies of cotton, sugar, rice, and perhaps reasons to believe that geat emigrations from it coffee and cocoa and the olive, all which, it may be would take place. Kentucky is a grain-growing expected, will be fully tried on an extensive scale, state, and feels as much the necessity of a home by new adventurers in those, at present, rich commarket as any other in the nation. By the pros-modities-the product of these will have a domestration of her manufacturing establishments and tic effect, as well as that which may be caused by the want of a demand for her products, slave-labor, considerable disbursements by government at Penif ever profitable therein, became unprofitable, sacola, and probably, at Hillsborough, or Tampa and many possessed of such persons emigrated to bay, or, Espiritu Santo bay, as a place on the west the cotton-growing states- Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama, and some to Missouri. The ravages of the "independent banks," together with the want of employment, drove off tens of thousands of the laboring classes of white people into Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. On the whole, it is probable that the account current of emigration, as to this state, is nearly balanced for the last ten years. These things were not to have been expected, and we sincerely regret that they have come to pass. When the government of the United States shall adopt a system of legislation and support and rely upon things at home, for home prosperity, Kentucky will again revive, and go on to gather strength rapidly. And, as the black population is pressed south, its place will be supplied by the sinews of every nation, which are its free laborers. The population of Kentucky was 406,511 in 1810; increase in ten years, 156,822. Allowing that she now has 100,000 slaves, her federal number for representation in congress will be 523,339. At this time she has ten members—and, at the present ratio, would be entitled to 14, and Ohio, which has 6 at present, would have 16. FLORIDA. The following resolution has been reported to the legislature of Louisiana, by the committee to whom was referred so much of the message of the governor as relates to the subject: "Be it resolved by the senate and house of representatives of Louisiana in general assembly convened, That the Florida treaty has no equality for its basis, ought not to have been concluded, and should not be ratified by the senate of the United States; that VOL, XX. 4, side of the peninsula is called, which will, most likely, become the seat of the government; for we presume that what is now called West Florida will be added to the state of Alabama, to which it seems rightfully to appertain. We are yet to learn what Great Britain will say about this business: there is every reason to believe that the cession will not be agreeable to her for, admitting that Cuba remains attached to Spain, Florida gives to the Unit. ed States the command of the gulf of Mexico; and, in case of a war, will enable us to annoy the British West India commerce beyond any thing which it has experienced, from the efforts of any nation. But, in general, it seems that the interior of Florida is not much more known than the country beyond the Rocky Mountains. It will soon be completely explored. There will be an emigration to it, in a few weeks, as it were, that will penetrate every section of the peninsula, and develope the whole value of the acquisition. We had a report that custom-house officers were already appointed, and, perhaps, by this time, were actually arrived at the several ports. If not, and the power to appoint them exists, they cannot be too speedily on their way-else the great curse will be extended over as in the import of slaves, and millions of dollars worth of coffee, sugar, &c. will be brought from the West Indies to avoid the payment of duties, which will afterwards find their way into the states, and legally avoid the payment of them. We have heard that some SPECULATIONS, as well in human flesh as in other commodities, have been put on foot. Our hope is, that such persons may be met at their entrance into Florida with the "star-spangled banner,” held by the hands of honest | whom, in reality, they are addressed -not to the men and faithful officers. It a house of representatives. The old story, as to its FREE REMARKS-Written even in Washington City, Feb. 28. It is always an unpleasant matter with me to visit this metropolis, though it has ever been my good fortune to meet with many persons that I esteemed, as well as some from whom useful information was obtained. But I have no office to seek -nothing to ask of any one but that which he is legally bound to grant, or which, on the other side, he may legally compel me to pay for-so we are all "at quits," equally independent of one another: this is happy estate, though not the common lot of those who are found at Washington! But it is well, now and then, to take a "bird's eye view" of the "collected wisdom of the nation," and especially of that portion of it gathered together in the hall of the house of representatives and this view must be deemed of no little importance, when we reflect that it is impossible for the "sovereign people" in the gallery, (unless happily located or particularly favored), to understand what is going on below, except through the medium of their eyes. A few persons who are seated in certain parts of the This unhappy condition, in my opinion, grows room, or whose voices partake of the power of a out of two things-first, in the neglect of the peo Stentor, or have that sort of shrillness which pierces ple to elect thinking men for their representatives; the ear, may be heard or understood, if duly attend- and secondly, from the constitution of the house ed to-but most of the great speeches that appear itself. It is too numerous by at least one third. in the newspapers, are not understood by one out of It is morally impossible that nearly two hundred five of the members, and much less so by the spec- men, promiscuously thrown into a heap, with jar. tators until they see them in print, if so even then. | ring interests and many with views limitted to the But there are some advantages attending this im- peculiar wants or wishes of their own little disperfection of the hall that I never so fully thought tricts, can be brought to act zealously together on of before-it is, that the members may write letters the business of a great nation-can become suffior read newspapers with very little interruption; and ciently known to one another to "compare notes" a person sitting in the gallery, may abstract himself and understand each other's views;-they weary as much from the cares of the world as if he was and become wearied with one another. The solid in a wood by moonlight, unless the hum from below men, whose opinions would have great weight if should operate upon him like the sound of a water- they were intimately known to the rest of the fall and full him to sleep! Indeed, I observed a per- members, are too much disregarded, and the pert, son, a “deranged" officer perhaps, or one that was instead of being chastened by wholesome advice patiently waiting for the taking up of some bill in and a beneficial intercourse with the reflecting, are which he was interested, who, calling to mind San- cast off and left to monopolize the important time cho's great beatitude, was taking a nap. My first of the house in worse than useless discussions→→ impulse was to rouse him, lest he might be brought but a few, of commanding talents and enlightened to the bar of the house for contempt; but I could views, blessed also with powerful lungs, are renot recollect that there was any law against sleep-spectfully attended to. The general restlessness ing even in a church, and thought that the weary of the members is also excited by another causesojourner might be excused: I resolved, neverthe-large as the hall is, they are too much crowded to less, if he should be brought to the bar, that I would volunteer a testimony in his behalf, and depose that, in my opinion, the speech of the "honorable gentleman" from, was of such somnificatory power as to lull any man to sleep, if predisposed to somniculosity: and I further thought that, if the examining officer of the house should ask me, how it was that such a sleepy thing as I am escaped, I would plead the truth, and say, that as soun as the "honorable gentleman" was fairly at work, Inade some hasty strides to the door of the gallery, which I pushed open very briskly, and has tily ran down stairs-when I roused myself by lustily calling for a back to take me to my lodgings. Now this has less poetry than truth in it. And how can it be otherwise, seeing that many members are sent only because they can speak-and if they do not speak of what use are they, it being notorious that they do not think? Hence, we see the columns of the "National Intelligencer" loaded with speeches that never were heard in the house, and which are never read by the people, except by a few of the immediate friends of the persons whose names are put at the beginning of them in CAPITALS, and to be comfortable-and verily, to a person who has been used to an active life, it is no small matter to be cooped up five or six hours in a confined space, not at his ease. There is, luckily, a large place behind the speaker's chair, where many are always to be seen reading, walking or talking, except at the moment of taking a question-which is a great rehef to people so jammed together. The case is every way different in the senate the business is transacted understandingly, and there is a courtesy among the members which is very pleasing to the spectator, who is freely admitted within the chamber and accommodated with a seat. No inconvenience, in general, results from this procedure. The apparent respect which the senators pay to one another imposes decorum on the visitor, and he must be very rude indeed that would interrupt the proceedings of such a body of men. But strangers could not be so admitted in the other house, because of its own multitude and the conse Lest improper inferences may be drawn, I feel it just to state, that the printer does not now reside in Washington. [TO BE CONTINUED.] quent want of that state of quietness which exists of making such appointments cannot be too sein the senate. It appears to me, that there is no verely deprecated-the effect may be the same as thing which the next congress can do that would if they held offices while voting as members, or raproduce a more beneficial result to our country, ther worse; for expectants are more easily wrought than the fixing a high ratio for representation, un-upon than possessors. der the census just taken. Our population has increased in the last ten years at the rate of about forty per cent. which would give us 250 members in the house of representatives at the present ratio of $7,000: but if it is fixed at 74,000, we shall yet have 125 members, which, I think, will make as numerous a body as can be brought to attend to business-and they would do it better and in half the time that 250 could do it--besides, it would save us one thousand dollars a day for every day that congress might be in session. This saving should not be despised, for it belongs to a matter that would add infinitely, I had like to have said, to the respectability and efficiency of congress. The members would yet be numerous enough to bring together the wants and wishes of the people at large, but not so numerous that they could continue strangers to one another. I fear, nevertheless, that there is not magnanimity enough to do a thing which would throw many of the actors out of their seats, however much the public good requires it. It is the disposition of human nature "to feel power and forget right"--and most think that it is "A very fine thing to be father-in-law, THE MEANING OF WORDS. In discussing matters of public or private concern, too little attention is paid to definition. When an expression is not fully understood, or both parties do not agree as to its meaning or application, it is impossible that two minds can come to the same conclusion: but when a proposition is explained, it is very common that a long argument terminates, not in convincing either party, but in both discovering that they had never differed. It seems to me that the great question about the protection and encouragement of manufactures, is of this description. What is meant by encouragement of manufactures by taxes, and protection to the domestic industry of the nation? I admit that congress ought not to impose other than revenue duties on manufactures, for the mere benefit of those engaged in any particular branch of business, if encouraging one discourages another branch of industry; it is wrong or right, as it affects the country generally. Manufacturers, as a distinct class of society, are entitled to no especial favor, and duties should not be imposed for their sole "To a mighty imperious three-tailed bashaw." protection. I thus throw one stumbling block out The love of office is general--the per diem is of the way, and agree with southern planters and exceedingly convenient to some, though of very chambers of commerce--so far as their opposition little importance to others-to such as do not like is to this kind of protection, there is no difference to be so long separated from their families and of opinion between us. Here is my doctrine-mabring their wives with them to the seat of go-nufactures are the instruments, the agents, through vernment. But the two classes of members, the whom the people of the country are to be protectrich and the poor, may act together on this subject, ed; the means by which raw materials and provithough influenced by different motives-the one sions are to find a market, and labor be secured in desiring to retain its elevation, the other, to keep employinent; the foundation on which the governtheir places for the sake of what they produce; ment is to build a permanent system of revenue, and nothing can withstand or break down such aand on, which alone it can rely in time of war or coalition but public opinion, which I hope to see emergency. iron. Iron ore has no value except for domestic use; the whole value of iron is made up of labor and subsistence. I would then exclude foreign iron, not because I would enrich the iron master, but to give a market for iron ore and provisions, and employment for laborers. To make my ideas more precise, I will state a national account:-A ton of iron is worth in Baltimore, 95 dollars. It costs in Russia or Sweden from 60 to 65 dollars-the duty is 15, leaving the account thus: powerfully excited on this subject; for I venture The sure means by which the price of manufacto say that no considerate man ever visited Wash-tured articles will be reduced and their quality imington during a session of congress, who has not proved-by which the farmer will be encouraged seen the necessity of reducing the number of the to raise raw materials, which cannot now be export representatives. The present amount leads the ed or used at home, and give him the means of exway to a manner of doing business of the very change which are now denied to him, I separate maworst description-it, in some degree, compels anufacturers from manufactures as in the article of majority of the members to elect or respect others as leaders on important questions. It never has been as bad with us, perhaps, in our worst days of party violence in regard to this matter of leading and following, as it generally is in the British parliament; wherein the members divide for or against the treasury benches-but in large assemblies, it appears to me, there must needs be something of it, else business could not be done at all in certain cases. I hope that the people will seriously think of these things-the subject is worthy of profound attention: it involves the most important consequences. If the ratio should be raised to the amount proposed, how great would be the respectability, how awful the responsibility, of a member of congress! Men of mind, of the most exalted talents, would be selected, and proceed to business under a sense of the vigilance with which their Value given to a ton of iron by American doings would be watched. The disgraceful fact Jabor and subsistence would never occur which is now reported to exist Then, this ton of iron, made at home, employs 63 -that the names of sixty members of congress are be-dollars more of our labor and subsistence, than if it fore the president for appointments to office!-some was imported, Now, I don't care whether the of them, as I am told, for offices of the meanest merchant or the iron master has more or less prograde! We shall see, when the list is published, fit--it makes to the country a difference of 63 dolhow many of them have succeeded! The practice [lars a ton. With this illustration and practical de Value given to a ton of iron by foreign labor Additional value by American labor and $63 00 17.00 15 00 $95.00 $95.00 finition of protection to manufactures, I contend charge of any public function or duty, without bethat congress ought to put such a duty on iron as ing called to its exercise by an unequivocal expres would give to the farmers and laborers of this coun- sion of the public will in his favor. It is supposed the try the whole of the price of the iron, and not suf-late election for a representative to congress, from fer 63 dollars, on every ton, to be drawn from us in the fourth district, does not furnish evidence of cash to other countries, when our laborers want such unequivocal expression of the public will in The canvass was very close, and, employment and farmers have no market. It is they favor of any one. who want and must have protection. On this ground I am informed serious doubts are entertained, by I call on our opponents to meet us. If government some of the electors, as to the result. The legat is not bound to afford this protection, let the rea-right to a seat is declared to be in me by the execusou be given-let the merchants come out and meet tive authority, and your certificate would enable us fairly: on these principles we stand or fall with me to proceed to the exercise of the duties of a them. Chambers of commerce may rant as they representative: yet I do not feel willing to occupy please about bounties, monopolies, premiums and any office of trust or honor upon doubtful authority, privileged orders-I shall not answer them: they nor could I do so, without violating what I conceive may play with these toys-these rattle boxes, and to be sound principle. By restoring again to the they may have the game to themselves. They shall be people, from whom it emanated, the doubtful ausilent or meet us on the national principles we have thority conferred upon me, a fair opportunity is assumed, and on which we will bring this great afforded them of disposing of it according to their question home to every man in the nation. It is to will. the people, and not the government, we are now appealing. The voice of the country must and shall be roused. I invite the Goliahs of commerce to to come out and discuss this question on plain practical grounds, and I will agree that the verdict of the farmers of the country shall be conclusive between us. The question is fairly stated-no one can doubt what I mean by protection and encouragement to manufactures: it is to be hoped our opponents will come out as plainly-then we shall understand each other, and then the country will understand us all.—[ Communicated.] THE TIMES. Copy of a private letter to the editor, from a gentleman of great respectability in Kentucky, dated the 28th ult. "Enclosed I send you a $10 North Carolina note, the amount of two years' subscription for your Weekly Register. I am sorry that it has not been sooner in my power, but the unfortunate situation of the currency in Kentucky must be my excuse. Impressed with these considerations, I resign my seat as a representative of the state of Ohio in congress, and request you to accept this as the act of resignation. I feel less reluctance in calling on the people to proceed to a new election, as no reason is perceived for holding it before the next annual period for holding elections, on the second Tuesday in Octo ber. I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient serJ. C. WRIGHT." vant, I wish that there were more John C. Wrights in the country-that is, men who would scorn to hold an office unless with the unequivocal approbation of their constituents, and those with whom and for whom they have to do business--for all these would, of course, be superior to any dishonorable means or back-stairs intrigue to obtain appointments: and, instead of fawning, crouching, twisting creatures, too often found in public offices, they would be filled with men having souls. Passengers Arrived in the W. S. from foreign countries, from "I discover that I have lived too long. I have lived to see this country rise from a howling wil derness to a rich, populous and respectable state. I have lived to see the savages driven far away, and the sons of Kentucky step forward to vindicate their country's rights-but also, after a residence Useful productive class. Artificer, 1; bakers, 58; of forty-two years, I have lived to see my country basket makers, 5; blacksmiths, 35; block makers, 7; in disgrace at home and abroad. I have lived to boat builders, 4; book binder, 1; boot makers, 8: see it cursed with forty independent banks. I have brick layers, 6; brick maker, 1; brazier, 1; brass fived to see the lands of non-residents and resi-founders, 2; brewers, 6; butchers, 37; button maker, dents confiscated under what is here called the "occupying claimant's law." I have lived to see the charters of the independent banks repealed; but I have lived to see fifteen more established in violation of the constitution of the United States: and, worse than all, I have lived to see two successive legislatures of Kentucky guilty of the ridicu. lous folly of attempting to legislate the people of the state out of debt. I have lived to see the measures of government much influenced by bankrupts. I wish to live to see my state regain her former standing." 1; cabinet makers, 22; carpenters, 114; chair makers, 4; chandlers, 6; cloth dressers, 3; clothiers, 9; cloth manufacturer, 1; coopers, 33; coppersmiths, 4; cotton spinner, 1; curriers, 10; cutlers, 5; distillers 5; dyers 3; farmers, 806; fishermen, 4; fax dresser, 1; gardners, 25; goldsmith, 1; gunsmiths, 3; harness makers, 3; hatters, 5; iron founder, 1; laborers, 289; leather dresser, 1; mantua makers, 5; manufacturers, 7; masons, 12; mattrass maker, 1; mechanics, 31; milliners, 17; millers, 9; millwrights, 2; morocco dresser, 1; nail maker, 1; painters, 13; paper makers, 2; pin and needle makers, 2; planters, 66; plasterers 7; plumbers, 3; potters, 2; printAS IT SHOULD BE. John C. Wright, Esq. of Steuers, 4; refiner, 1; rigger, 1; rope makers, 5; rule benville, Ohio, on receiving a certificate from the governor of the state that he was elected a member of congress in October last, for two years from the 4th of March, 1821, immediately sent in a letter of resignation-for the following reasons: "I consider it an incontrovertible principle in our government, that the people are the only true source of political power. If this be correct, no person can properly take upon himself the dis makers, 2, saddlers, 4; sail makers, 2; semptresses, 10; ship carpenters, 5; shoe makers, 82; silver smiths, 2; slater, 1; soap boilers 2; stay makers, 2; stone cutters, 8; superintendant of glass works, 1; tailors, 55; tailor and farmer, 1; tanners, 3; tanner and currier, 1; tinker, 1; tobacconists, 6; turner, 1; umbrella makers, 2; watch makers, 6; weavers, 61; wheelwrights, 4; white smiths, 4; wax makers, 2. Total, of the useful productive class, 1987. Export of flour Export of wheat 8,308,588 bushels, Total for thirty years bis. 27,231,069 1,661,717 28,892,786 Useful unproductive class. Accountants, 4; ambassadors, 2; architects, 2; artists, 2; auctioneer, 1; barbers, 5; carters, 2; clergymen, 18; clerks, 76; colliers, 3; cooks, 7; confectioners, 4; consuls, 4; dentist, 1; draftsman, 1; drapers, 6; druggists, 2; engineers, 6; engravers, 2; fair traders, 2; farriers, 2; governess 1; grocers, 6; herdsmen, 2; horse doctor, 1; house keepers, 8; judge 1; lawyers 5; limner, In order to ascertain the consumption, it re1; mariners, 350; mathematician, 1; merchants, 938; mains to calculate the average population of that military men, 32; nurse, 1; paper hanger, 1; phy-period. Average 1800 sicians 33; publican, 1; schoolmasters, 21; servants, Population in 1790 Ornamental and amusing unproductive class. Dancing master. 1; falconer, 1; gentlemen, 87; gilder, 1; hair dressers, 2; jewellers 5; *ladies, 49; rope dancer, 1; showman, 1. Total of this class 148. Recapitulation. Useful productive class, 1987; useful unproductive class, 1730; ornamental and amusing unproductive class, 148. Total 3,865. Oc. cupation unknown, principally women and children, 3,136. Total arrived in the United States, 7,001. Of these there are 1,959 females; 5042 males; total 7,001. Total 1820 estimated 9,630,928 3,929,326 5,319,762 7,239,903 10,000,000 26,488,991 Being for the whole period an average of about 6,660,000. Table of experts of animals and animal and vegetable food from 1803 to 1820, inclusive. Animals and Vegetable animal food. food. 1803 Of this whole number, according to the occupations specified, there belong to-agriculture, 997; commerce, 1461; manufactures, hard labor, the arts, liberal professions, refined classes, &c. 1407. Total 3,865. 1804 4,284,568 2,080,684 |