may be so considered, when exercised by them to their exclu sive emolument, and the detrusion of those who are stigmatized by the term, Aristocrats.

Such were the terms in use, under the old constitution; and such still continue to be in use, under the present: notwithstanding, the popular reason, that is, the one given by demagogues, or "popularity hunters," for the change of constitution, was to "abolish aristocracy." Now, as the constitution contained no aristocracy-that is, "privileged order," it is not to be supposed, that the change eradicated any. While it is to be confessed, that it destroyed some of the precautions, feeble as they were, for filling one branch of the legislature, and the executive department, with the persons best qualified to discharge the duties of those offices. The cause which moved the change, is demonstrated in the changes themselves. The electors of governor, and senators, were abolished, and these offices were in future to be filled by the direct vote of the people themselves; who gave up the election of sheriffs and coroners, which they held under the first constitution, to other agents; and they introduced a lieutenant governor, to be chosen also by themselves, who was to fill the place of the speaker of the senate, formerly elected by the senate itself. From these facts, the spirit and object of the changes, are distinctly seen. The other main outlines, are substantially the same, in both constitutions; being sufficiently democratic for the purposes of demagogues. The powers of the government, are distinguished into three denominations, of legislative, executive, and judicial; and these, as before, vested in three separate departments: the first is also divided into a senate, and house of representatives, to be chosen by the same voters, without regard to character, property, or interest; a mere representative democracy, or government of the majority of the most active citizens. The checks are apparent only, not real; on paper, not in the actual state of things. It promises security for life, liberty, and property--it is fallacious and delusive; it stops short at the second step, if not sooner: And property is left insecure; because its safety, instead of being placed in the

1

hands of those who have it, is deposited in the care and disposal of those who have less of it, and want more. There is no adequate check to the opposite tendencies of poor and rich: a distinction, however inaccurately marked it may be, which exists in every civilized community; dependent on principles in men's nature, which never can be annihilated; upon facts, which despotism or sophistry may disguise, or pervert, but can never extinguish; a lambent flame, which the unnatural government of Sparta, smothered in vain, for seven hundred years: It is the desire of bettering present condition-it is the love of property-or of money, if you please--for the sake of the gratifications which it brings, or confers.

This principle of such vital importance in society, which on one side, is to get, on the other, to keep, has been misconceived, or designedly perverted, in the formation of the constitution of Kentucky; and as a consequence, instead of its being checked, and restrained from encroachment, by the one party, and the other, it is secured to the one, without an adequate security to the other. The majority are left to prey upon the minority. Neither capital nor enterprise are secured-which they should be, to the whole extent of their energies, and of their acquisitions; by placing their highest, as well as their lowest exertions, under the superintendence and control of those who possess them, who feel their influence, and know how to estimate their merit, in the highest degree; instead of which, they have been placed at the mercy, and left dependent on the caprice of ignorance, envy, jealousy, and malice, to which the doors of the two houses of the legislature have been thrown open, without placing in either, a sufficient guard. And where it is still enough to cry out, "aristocracy," and down with any institution in the country, dependent on a monied capital. These observations, are extorted from experience and conviction, at the shrine of regret, and in the hope of their producing reflection, inquiry, and reform.

It is not intended, at this place, to illustrate by minute details: "the bank of Kentucky," rivalled and destroyed by forty

democratic banks, is but one, among similar instances, of the want of regard to contracts, to private interest, and to public faith no other reference will be made at present. While it is not pretended that the state of the country in 1824, was to have been foreseen, and predicted, in 1800: yet it was even then seen and declared, that the constitution was destitute of adequate checks; "that property was not protected in suflicient extent"-nor enterprise encouraged, by ensuring to it the enjoyment of its full success. The cry of aristocracy, had been heard--its effects had been witnessed in the prostration of the only part in the first constitution, which offered any thing like that check, of which the second was totally destitute. From that time to this, nothing better was to have been expected, from any convention, that could have been convened. Some hope was entertained from the general government, both as an example for imitation, and a check on legislative error; that is found to reach but few cases; and hardly any one, merely between citizens: while the results of its example, have not been conciliatory, nor hitherto very beneficial.

It is thought necessary, to terminate a train of reflections which might be protracted, but which some may think will be more appropriate after a detail of facts, to support it, than thus to forestall them.

It is to be remarked however, that the state of society in Kentucky, had undergone considerable change in the course. of the last eight years; and especially, from the end of the war. There was a greater disparity between the extremes of the aggregate society; with an increased proportion of citi zens of little or no property, or of new claims to land, not paid for, and who were ranked by themselves with the poor. While on the other hand, those who possessed the means, were accommodating themselves with good houses, and domestic com forts; which produced a contrast, not. readily overlooked by the eyes of envy or jealousy.

The population had much increased. The census of this year placed the white people at 179,875-the slaves, both black and mulatto, at 40,343--in all 220,959-including free persons of

colour. Increase for the last ten years, 118,742 free white persons, 28,913 slaves, and 741 free persons of colour in all-the tables not particularizing the increase of the latter.

Strong party feelings frequently excited, and often expressed at elections, and otherwise, had familiarized the people to each other, and made them acquainted with those who aspired to give them opinions, by which to lead them; and to furnish them with party discriminations, or watchwords, whereby to rally, or unite them; whence they were easily brought to act on party subjects. While the grand division was now, as it had been for some time into, "federalists," friends, and supporters of the federal government, and the constitution of the United States--and "anti-federalists," or, as they called themselves, "republicans," opponents of the federal government, as they had been, to the adoption of the constitution. No matter what the service to be performed, or the question to be decided, was; to establish upon a candidate that he was a federalist, was the equivalent of his exclusion from office.

No session of the legislature immediately succeeded the com mencement of the new administration; the governor reappoin ted his former secretary, and assumed the executive functions; now familiar to him. While the rumours of accommodation with France, had much softened the features of party rancour against Mr. Adams; and the leaders, making sure of having their favourite, Mr. Jefferson, for the next president, began to felicitate themselves upon the success of their scheme for revolutionizing the administration of the general government.

The legislature assembled on the 3d of November; and while the senate sat down under the presidency of the lieu tenant governor, whom the sovereign people, had elected for it, the house of representatives, chose John Breckenridge, speaker, without a division.

The 4th of the month, the governor made his communica tions in person, to both houses: confining himself almost ex clusively to local topics, he gave a favourable representation of the general aspect of public affairs; suggested deficiencies in the revenue-which he imputed to the state of our trade,

inclining castwardly, instead of westwardly--and proposed as a remedy, the giving of premiums to divert it from the eastern atlantic, to the western rivers--Ohio and Mississippi. As if it were necessary in a free country, to hire men to desert their interests, or to pay them, for pursuing those interests. When will governors and legislators, learn, that commerce when unoppressed by laws, and left free to seek its own channels, seldom mistakes the wrong for the right? but like the medium of its exchanges, soon finds its level; and still sooner, its advantages. While the idea, of its sending out produce, and bringing home money only, will, as it hitherto has done, if extended to any considerable amount, prove fallacious. One commercial country desires to dispose of its surplus produce, as well as another; and such is the basis of commerce. Money, is the mere auxiliary; serving to regulate the relative values, the exchanges, and pay balances. Suppose, however, the whole surplus produce of Kentucky, be the amount what it may, shipped to New Orleans, for a market--where there were such commodities, as were consumed in this country-and also money enough to pay for the whole: what would the merchant of Kentucky do? Certainly he would ascertain, whether he could gain most by taking his return cargo, in such consumable commodities, as he could sell on a profit, on his return home; or by taking it in money, with which he could buy of the same kind of commodities, a greater quantity in Philadelphia, New York, or Baltimore, and on the sale of which at home, he could, in the circle of the adventure, make a still greater profit: and according to the result of the inquiry, he would act:-profit being the object of commerce with the merchant; he of course would take that kind of cargo home, which would yield him. the most gain, in the least time. Suppose the determination in favour of the consumable commodities-then he would bring no money: and what advantage would the revenue derive from the trade to New Orleans alone? None is perceived. Or if he brings money, and hence takes it to the city of Phila delphia, and there lays it out in merchandise or commodities. which are brought to the country, and sold for consumption