the passions, and restoring tranquillity. His services, however, were but ill requited by the governor, who was, as well as the province, under great obligations to his active and successful exertions.

which had a considerable effect, in soothing your majesty would be graciously pleased to resume the government of this province, making such compensation to the proprietaries for the same as to your majesty's wisdom and goodness shall appear just and equitable, and permitting your dutiful subjects therein to. enjoy, under your majesty's more immediate care and protection, the privileges that have been granted to them by and under your royal predecessors. By order of the house."

The disputes between the proprietaries and the assembly, which had so long agitated the province, and which had for a time subsided, were again revived, and are thus accounted for:

"The proprietaries were discontent at the concessions made in favour of the people, and again exerted themselves to recover the privilege of exempting their own estates from taxation, which they had been induced, with great reluctance, to relinquish.

Great opposition was made to this measure, not only in the house, but in the public prints. A speech of Mr. Dickinson on the subject was published with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which great pains were taken to show the impropriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of Joseph Galloway, Esquire, in reply to Mr. Dickinson, was also published, accompanied by a preface by Dr. Franklin, in which he ably opposed the principles laid down in the preface to Mr. Dickinson's speech. Among other pointed remarks, Dr. Franklin says:

"In 1763, the assembly passed a Militia Bill, to which the governor refused to give his assent, unless the assembly would agree to certain amendments which he proposed. These consisted in increasing the fines, and in some cases substituting death for fines. He wished, too, that the officers should be "In the constitution of our government, appointed altogether by himself, and not no- and in that of one more, there still remains a minated by the people, as the bill had pro-particular thing that none of the other Ameriposed. These amendments the assembly can governments have; to wit, the appointconsidered as inconsistent with the spirit of ment of a governor by the proprietors, instead liberty: they would not adopt them-the go- of an appointment by the crown. This parvernor was obstinate, and the bill was lost." ticular in government has been found inconThese, and various other circumstances, venient; attended with contentions and conincreased the uneasiness which subsisted be- fusions wherever it existed; and has therefore tween the proprietaries and the assembly, to been gradually taken away from colony after such a degree, that in 1764, a petition to the colony, and every where greatly to the satisking was agreed to by the house, praying an faction and happiness of the people. Our alteration from a proprietary to a regal go- wise first proprietor and founder William vernment. The following draught of the Penn, was fully sensible of this; and being same, was found in Dr. Franklin's papers:- desirous of leaving his people happy, and preventing the mischiefs that he foresaw must "To the king's most excellent majesty, in arise from that circumstance, if it was concouncil, the petition of the representatives tinued, he determined to take it away, if of the freemen of the province of Pennsyl-possible, during his own life-time. They acvania, in general assembly met, most hum-cordingly entered into a contract for the sale bly showeth,

"That the government of this province by proprietaries, has, by long experience, been found inconvenient, attended with many difficulties and obstructions to your majesty's service, arising from the intervention of proprietary private interest in public affairs, and disputes concerning those interests.

"That the said proprietary-government is weak, unable to support its own authority, and maintain the common internal peace of the province, great riots having lately arisen therein, armed mobs marching from place to place, and committing violent outrages and insults on the government with impunity, to the great terror of your majesty's subjects. And these evils are not likely to receive any remedy here, the continual disputes between the proprietaries and people, and their mutual jealousies and dislikes preventing.

"We do therefore, most humbly pray, that

of the proprietary right of government to the crown; and actually received a sum in part of the consideration. As he found himself likely to die before that contract (and with it his plan for the happiness of his people) could be completed, he carefully made it a part of his last will and testament; devising the right of the government to two noble lords, in trust, that they should release it to the crown. Unfortunately for us, this has never yet been done. And this is merely what the assembly now desire to have done. Surely he that formed our constitution, must have understood it. If he had imagined that all our privileges depended on the proprietary government, will any one suppose that he would himself have meditated the change; that he would have taken such effectual measures as he thought them, to bring it about speedily, whether he should live or die? Will any of those who now extol him so highly, charge him at the

same time with the baseness of endeavouring thus to defraud his people of all the liberties and privileges he had promised them, and by the most solemn charters and grants assured to them, when he engaged them to assist him in the settlement of his province? Surely none can be so inconsistent!-And yet this proprietary right of governing or appointing a governor, has all of a sudden changed its nature; and the preservation of it become of so much importance to the welfare of the province, that the assembly's only petitioning to have their venerable founder's will executed, and the contract he entered into for the good of his people completed, is styled an attempt to violate the constitution for which our fathers planted a wilderness; to barter away our glorious plan of public liberty and charter privileges; a risking of the whole constitution; an offering up our whole charter rights; a wanton sporting with things sacred,' &c."

In addition to the preface just mentioned, Dr. Franklin wrote a pamphlet, entitled "Cool Thoughts," tending to promote the same views. The assembly's application to the throne however, produced no effect, and the proprietary government remained unchanged.

An eloquent divine, Dr. William Smith, has observed on this occasion, "That under whatsoever circumstances this second embassy was undertaken, it appears to have been a measure pre-ordained in the councils of Heaven; and it will be for ever remembered to the honour of Pennsylvania, that the agent selected to assert and defend the rights of a single province at the court of Great Britain, became the bold asserter of the rights of America in general; and beholding the fetters that were forging for her, conceived the magnanimous thought of rending them asunder before they could be rivetted."

The disturbances produced in America by Mr. Grenville's Stamp Act, and the opposition made to it are well known. But the origin thereof has generally been misunderstood. The following letter from Dr. Franklin on that subject, will correct some of the misrepresentations relative thereto.

"To William Alexander, Esq.

"PASSY, March 12, 1778.

that Mr. Grenville demanded of them a specific sum; that they refused to grant any thing; and that it was on their refusal only that he made a motion for the Stamp Act. No one of these particulars is true. The fact was this.

"DEAR SIR,-In the pamphlet you were so kind as to lend me, there is one important fact misstated, apparently from the writer's not having been furnished with good informaAt the election for a new assembly, in the tion; it is the transaction between Mr. Grenautumn of 1764, the friends of the proprie-ville and the colonies, wherein he understands taries made great exertions to exclude those of the adverse party; and they obtained a small majority in the city of Philadelphia. Dr. Franklin on this occasion lost his seat in the house, which he had held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the assembly, however, it appeared that there was still a "Some time in the winter of 1763-4, Mr. decided majority of his friends, and he was Grenville called together the agents of the again appointed to resume his agency at the several colonies, and told them that he purcourt of Great Britain, to the great chagrin posed to draw a revenue from America, and of his enemies, who made a solemn protest to that end his intention was to levy a stamp against his appointment; but which was re-duty on the colonies by act of parliament in fused admission upon the minutes, as being the ensuing session, of which he thought it unprecedented. It was, however, published in the papers, and produced a spirited reply, from him, entitled "Remarks on a late Protest," &c.

The opposition made to his re-appointment seems greatly to have affected his feelings; as it came from men with whom he had long been connected, both in public and private life," the very ashes of whose former friendship," he declared, "he revered." His pathetic farewell to Pennsylvania, in the publication abovementioned, the day before his departure, is a strong proof of the agitation of his mind on this occasion.

"I am now," says he, "to take leave (perhaps a last leave) of the country I love, and in which I have spent the greatest part of my life. Esto perpetua !-I wish every kind of prosperity to my friends, and I forgive my

enemies."

fit that they should be immediately acquainted, that they might have time to consider, and if any other duty equally productive would be more agreeable to them, they might let him know it. The agents were therefore directed to write this to their respective assemblies. and communicate to him the answers they should receive: the agents wrote accordingly.

"I was a member in the assembly of Pennsylvania, when this notification came to hand. The observations there made upon it were, that the ancient, established, and regular method of drawing aids from the colonies was this. The occasion was always first considered by their sovereign in his privy council, by whose sage advice, he directed his secretary of state to write circular letters to the several governors, who were directed to lay them before their assemblies. In those letters, the occasion was explained for their

"B. FRANKLIN."

satisfaction, with gracious expressions of his cans unwisely and unbecomingly refused to majesty's confidence in their known duty and hold out to the minister and parliament, was affection, on which he relied, that they would actually held out to them, but they refused to grant such sums as should be suitable to their walk over it. This is the true history of that abilities, loyalty, and zeal for his service. transaction; and as it is probable there may That the colonies had always granted liber-be another edition of that excellent pamphlet, ally on such requisitions, and so liberally I wish this may be communicated to the canduring the late war, that the king, sensible did author, who, I doubt not, will correct that they had granted much more than their pro- error.-I am ever, with sincere esteem, dear portion, had recommended it to parliament, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, five years successively, to make them some compensation, and the parliament accordingly returned them two hundred thousand pounds a-year to be divided among them. That the proposition of taxing them in parliament, was therefore both cruel and unjust.* That by the constitution of the colonies their business was with the king in matters of aid, they had nothing to do with any financier, nor he with them; nor were the agents the proper channels through which requisitions should be made; it was therefore improper for them to enter into any stipulation, or make any proposition to Mr. Grenville about laying taxes on their constituents by parliament, which had really no right at all to tax them, especially as the notice he had sent them did not appear to be by the king's order, and perhaps was without his knowledge; as the king, when he would obtain any thing from them, always accompanied his requisition with good words, but this gentleman, instead of a decent demand, sent them a menace, that they should certainly be taxed, and only left them the choice of the manner. But all this notwithstanding, they were so far from refusing to grant money, that they resolved to the follow-their resolutions of industry and frugality; ing purpose:That they always had, so they always should, think it their duty to grant aid to the crown, according to their abilities, whenever required of them in the usual constitutional manner.' I went soon after to England, and took with me an authentic copy of this resolution, which I presented to Mr. Grenville before he brought in the Stamp Act. I asserted in the house of commons (Mr. Grenville being present) that I had done so, and he did not deny it. Other colonies made similar resolutions. And had Mr. Grenville, instead of that act, applied to the king in council for such requisitional letters to be circulated by the secretary of state, I am sure he would have obtained more money from the colonies by their voluntary grants, than he himself expected from his stamps. But he chose compulsion rather than persuasion, and would not receive from their good-will what he thought he could obtain without it. And thus the golden bridge which the ingenious author thinks the Ameri*There is neither king, nor sovereign lord on earth, who has, beyond his own domain, power to lay one far thing on the subjects, without the grant and consent of those who pay it; unless he does it by tyranny and violence."Philippe de Commines, chap. 108.)

Dr. Franklin strenuously exerted himself to free America from this odious tax; the principal objection to which was, that it was imposed by a British parliament, which the Americans asserted had no right to tax them. Dr. Franklin thus expresses his sentiments on the subject, in a letter to a friend, dated London, January 6, 1766:

"In my own private judgment, I think an immediate repeal of the Stamp Act would be the best measure for this country; but a suspension of it for three years, the best for that. The repeal would fill them with joy and gratitude, re-establish their respect and veneration for parliament, restore at once their ancient and natural love for this country, and their regard for every thing that comes from it hence; the trade would be renewed in all its branches; they would again indulge in all the expensive superfluities you supply them with, and their own new assumed home industry would languish. But the suspension, though it might continue their fears and anxieties, would, at the same time, keep up

which in two or three years would grow into habits, to their lasting advantage. However, as the repeal will probably not now be agreed to, from what I now think a mistaken opinion, that the honour and dignity of government is better supported by persisting in a wrong measure, once entered into, than by rectifying an error as soon as it is discovered; we must allow the next best thing for the advantage of both countries is, the suspension. For as to executing the act by force, it is madness, and will be ruin to the whole."

Contrary to Dr. Franklin's surmise, shortly after the date of this letter, it began to appear expedient to the administration, then under the marquis of Rockingham, to endeavour to calm the minds of the colonists; and the repeal of the Stamp Tax was contemplated. Amongst other means of collecting information on the disposition of the people to submit to it, Dr. Franklin was (Feb. 3, 1766,) “ordered to attend the committee of the whole house of commons, to whom it was referred to consider further the several papers relative to America, which were presented to the house by Mr. secretary Conway, &c." It contains a striking account of the extent and

accuracy of Dr. Franklin's information, and the facility and manliness with which he communicated his sentiments. He represented facts in so strong a point of view, that the inexpediency of the act must have appeared clear to every unprejudiced mind.

Dr. Franklin about this period, in addition to his agency for Pennsylvania, received the separate appointments of agent for the re spective colonies of New Jersey, Georgia, and Massachusetts. All of which he continued to fill with equal credit to himself and advantage to his constituents, during his stay in England.

Feb. 24. The resolutions of the committee were reported by the chairman, Mr. Fuller; their seventh and last resolution setting forth, "that it was their opinion that the house be moved, that leave be given to bring in a bill to repeal the Stamp Act." A proposal for re-committing this resolution, was negatived by two hundred and forty votes, to one hundred and thirty-three: and the act, after some opposition, was repealed about a year after it was enacted, and before it had ever been car-turn to England he was induced to make a ried into execution.*

nexed thereto :

*A ludicrous caricature was published on this occa sion, of which the following description was given, an "An Account of a humorous political print, called, The Repeal; which (in the Painters' phrase) may be called A Companion to the Tomb-stone, a print not long since published.

STAMP, the favourite child and youngest daughter of
"The subject of this print is the Funeral of Miss AME
the honourable Mr. George Stamp, the well-known
Gentle Shepherd. At one end of the print stands the
Family Vault, with a mutilated inscription, signifying
that within it lie (it is to be hoped never to rise
again) the remains of
Hearth Mon**,

Ship Mon**.. Excise B***,...... Jew B***,..
Gen**** Warrants,... ... &c.' On the top of the vault
are two heads on poles, like those on Temple Bar,

marked on the skull with the numbers 1715 and 1745. The vault is supposed to be situated on the side of the river, along the Strand, of which the funeral procession proceeds. The Reverend Mr. ANTI-SEJANUS, that noted Constitutionalist, drawn to the life, appears first, reading the burial service: after him follow those two eminent pillars of the law, sir Bullface Doublefee § and Mr. Alexander Scotburn supporting two black flags; on which are delineated the Stamps, with the Semper eadem; to which is annexed a new motto, consisting of those significant words, Three Farthings taken from the budget. Beneath this motto, as if meant to certify the number of the despicable minority fighting under these banners, appear on one flag the figures 71. and on the other 122, with a flying label surrounding both, bearing these words, All of a STAMP. Next ap pears the sad father of the deceased child, the honoura ble Mr. George Stamp himself, with grief and despair pictured on his countenance, carrying in his arms the infant's coffin, on

white rose and thistle interweaved, with the old motto of

which is written Miss AME STAMP, born 1765, died 1766. Immediately after follows the chief mourner, Sejanus: then his grace of Spitalfields and lord Gawkee:** after these Jemmy Twitcher, with a catch by way of funeral anthem; and by his side his friend and partner Mr. Falconer Donald son of Halifax. At a little distance, to close the proces sion, are two worthy B****ps, Dr. Squirt, and another right reverend gentleman, who shall be nameless: and behind them lie, on this side of the river, two huge bales of returned commodities, one marked Stamps from

America, the other Black Cloth from America.

These few mourners are separated from the joyful scene that appears in the back ground, by the River Thames, in which are riding three first-rate ships, called, The ROCKINGHAM, The GRAFTON,§§ and The CONWAY. Along the shore stand open warehouses for the seve

The right honourable George Grenville, author of the Stamp Act. † Years of rebellion. 1 Mr. Scott. § Sir Fletcher Norton. Mr. Alexander Wedderburn (afterwards lord Lough. borough.) (Perhaps) the duke of Bedford. ** (Perhaps) lord Gower. †† Lord Sandwich. 11 The marquis of Rockingham.

The duke of Grafton. Mr. secretary Conway.

In the course of this year (1766) he visited Holland and Germany, and received the greatest marks of attention and respect from men of science in those countries. In his passage through Holland, he learned from the watermen the effect which a diminution of the quantity of water in canals has, in impeding the progress of boats. Upon his re

number of experiments, which tended to confirm the observation. These, with an explanation of the phenomenon, he communicated in a letter to his friend sir John Pringle, which will be found among his philoso phical writings.

In the following year, as also in 1769, he received than he had been in Germany. He visited Paris, where he was no less favourably was introduced to the king (Louis XV.) and his sisters Mesdames de France, and particu larly distinguished by them: as he was also by the Academy of Sciences (of which he was afterwards elected a foreign associate,) and many other scientific and literary characters.

Mons. Dubourg, a member of the same academy, undertook a French translation of Dr. Franklin's letters on his Discoveries in Electricity, and the third English edition of the same work was now published in London. With respect to the general merit and originality of the experiments and hypotheses of Dr. Franklin, as described and explained in these letters, that eminent natural philosopher, the late Dr. Priestly, bears the following testimony in his " History of Electricity."

"Nothing was ever written upon the subject of electricity, which was more generally read and admired in all parts of Europe than these letters. There is hardly any European language into which they have not been translated; and, as if this were not sufficient to make them properly known, a translation of them has lately been made into Latin. It is not easy to say, whether we are most pleas ed with the simplicity and perspicuity with which these letters are written, the modesty with which the author proposes every hypothesis of his own, or the noble frankness with

ral goods of our principal manufacturing towns, from which cargoes are Now shipping for America: among these is a large case, containing a statue of Mr. PITT, which is heaving on board a boat number 250; and there is another boat taking in goods, nearer the first-rates, which is numbered 105; numbers which will ever remain sacred to liberty, and render the memory of the triumphant MAJORITY, on this side of the river,

J revered by our latest posterity.