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nified manner, to state the object of the interview; which was to inform the President of the embarrassment under which the merchants of New York were laboring, and to ask such relief as the executive alone was supposed to be able to afford. Mr. King had uttered only a few sentences of the address which he had meditated, when the president interrupted him with an irrelevant question: "Mr. King, you are the son of Rufus King, I believe?' "I am, sir,' was the reply.

"Whereupon the President broke into a harangue which astonished the grave and reverend seigniors to whom it was addressed. "Well, sir,' said the President, Rufus King was always a Federalist, and I suppose you take after him. Insolvent, do you say? What do you come to me for, then? Go to Nicholas Biddle. We have no money here, gentlemen. Biddle has all the money. He has millions of specie in his vaults at this moment lying idle, and yet you come to me to save you from breaking. I tell you, gentlemen, it's all politics.'

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"He continued to speak in a strain like this for fifteen minutes, denouncing Biddle and the Bank in the manner usual to him, and gradually working himself up to a high degree of excitement. laid down his pipe; he gesticulated wildly; he walked up and down the room; and finished by declaring, in respectful but unmistakable language, that his purpose was unchangeable, not to restore the deposits. He ceased at length. The deputation, correctly surmising that their mission was a failure, rose to retire, and were dismissed by the President with the utmost politeness. The gentleman who had introduced the deputation left the apartment with them; but was overtaken by a messenger, as he was descending the stairs, who informed him that the President wished him to return. He accordingly went back to the office, where he found the President exulting over the result of the interview. Oh! didn't I manage them well?' he exclaimed. The only object of the President in calling him back was to enjoy a chuckle with him over the scene that had transpired.""

Such was the manner in which were received delegations composed of the most distinguished and most honored citizens of the republic. Was it strange that other nations should regard our government with disgust and wonder, ignorant of the cause of such brutalities, and of the good which still existed and grew strong by their side?

As the stringency of 1833-34 was not followed by the suspension of specie payments, there was no lack of money so soon as confidence was in a measure restored. After a slight check, a spirit of speculation again seized upon the nation, the

1 Life of Andrew Jackson, vol. iii. pp. 549, 550.

strength of which was strikingly illustrated by the creation, in 1834, of 198 new Banks, whose aggregate capital equalled $31,144,393. The aggregate note circulation of the country increased, during the year, from $94,839,570 to $103,692,495; the deposits, from $75,666,986 to $83,180,365. All this was but a prelude to the mighty movement which was to follow. On the first day of January, 1836, the note circulation of the Banks had reached $140,301,038, and their deposits $115,104,440; making the total increase of circulation $68,632,618 in a single year, the rate of increase for the year equalling 36.6 per cent. The inflation continued, although with less force, during the following year. On the first day of January, 1837, the number of Banks had increased to 788; their paidup share capital, to $290,772,091; their note circulation, to $149,185,890; their deposits, to $127,397,185: making the total circulation $276,583,075, against $116,888,826 in 1830, -the rate of increase in the seven years equalling 136.6 per cent.

The result of this enormous increase of paper money was an extravagance of expenditure never before seen in this country; nor in any other, with the exception of England during the existence of the South Sea Bubble, and of France during that of the Mississippi Scheme. There were, literally, not sufficient objects of expenditure within reach of the people. To provide them, vast importations of foreign goods were made; the amount of these increasing from $108,118,310, in 1833, to $189,980,035, in 1836. After speculation had raised the price of all kinds of merchandise to an extraordinary pitch, it was turned toward landed property, which, throughout the whole country, was carried to prices often exceeding many times its value. There was at the time one great holder of this kind of property, the United States, which continued to sell at the old rate of $1.25 the acre. Here seemed to be opened an inexhaustible mine. All that had to be done to realize immediate wealth was to buy at this rate, and sell at prices five or ten fold greater. The consequence was that the sales of land rose from 3,856,227 acres, realizing the sum of $4,972,284, in 1833, to 20,074,870, realizing $25,167,833, in 1836. The receipts from the public lands in 1835 and 1836 equalled the sum of $41,167,637. These immense sales were apparently the only thing that attracted the attention or the apprehensions

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of the government. In order to check them, it issued, on the 11th of July, 1836, the famous "Specie Circular," which required all payments for lands to be made in specie. This circular had little effect so long as the Banks continued to pay coin, but was one of the potent causes in producing the catastrophe which was already near at hand.1

The sales of land and the excessive importations of foreign merchandise increased the revenues of government to an extraordinary degree, although the rates of imposts had been largely reduced in 1832, to induce South Carolina to recede from her threats of nullification, or as a concession for receding from them. The result of this movement was a complete victory on her part. Her grievance was the tariff; to redress which she threatened to draw the sword. Government, instead of enforcing obedience, yielded to her demands, setting the example which proved so fatal when the next great crisis came. From the excess of revenues, derived chiefly from the sale of lands, government found itself in possession of an enormous sum for which it had no use. The public debt had been paid. It was against the ideas and genius of the people to allow large sums to remain idle in the Treasury. These arose chiefly from property belonging to the whole nation. They should be restored to its rightful owners. An Act was accordingly passed, in June, 1836, providing that, after deducting therefrom the sum of $5,000,000, the money that should be found in the Treasury of the United States on the first day of January, 1837, should be deposited with the several States, in ratio to the number of their Senators and Representatives in

1 Statement showing the Number of Acres of Public Lands sold, and the Amounts received therefor, each Year, from 1829 to 1847, inclusive.

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DISTRIBUTION OF THE SURPLUS REVENUE.

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Congress. The money was nominally deposited for safekeeping, to be returned whenever it was wanted to defray the expenses of the general government, although no one at the time supposed a dollar of it would ever be returned. The amount to be deposited was ascertained to be $37,468,859. The deposits were to be made in four equal instalments, — the first on Jan. 1, the second on April 1, the third on June 1, and the last on Oct. 1, 1837. They were all to be made in specie, or its equivalent; and to be paid from the reserves of the deposit Banks, or by the calling in of loans. This Act helped to complete the work begun by the Specie Circular. The Banks were now placed between two fires, one from speculators in the public lands, the other from the States which were to have their proceeds. The demands of both were to be paid in coin. As the deposits received by the States were largely distributed direct to the people, per capita, the money paid them was for a long time wholly taken out of the channels of commerce and trade. By desperate efforts, the Banks paid the first two instalments, amounting to $18,735,430. They were by this time exposed to calls from another quarter, the demands of the foreign trade. The imports for 1836 exceeded the exports by $61,314,975. According to the Economists, the nation was all the richer by this amount. Foreigners, unfortunately, found themselves all the poorer by it, and demanded something in return, which the Banks were called upon to provide. The result was, that by the time the second instalment of the public revenues was paid, the means of the Banks were so thoroughly exhausted that, in view of the third instalment which was soon due, nothing was left to those of the city of New York, upon whom the whole brunt fell, but to suspend specie payments; which they did on the 10th of May, 1837. All the other Banks in the country followed their example.

As the Banks of the State of New York were the first to suspend, they were, with those of the New England States, the first to resume. As their suspension was a violation of their charters, the legislature relieved them of the penalty by allowing them a year for this purpose. They so diligently improved their time, that they found no difficulty in resuming within the period prescribed. The Banks of New Eng

land resumed at the same time (May 10, 1838). Those of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and the States to the South and West, followed their example later in the season; the United States Bank of the State of Pennsylvania leading the way, by resuming on Aug. 13. Events showed, however, that the resumption of all except those of New York and New England was premature, as they all suspended again in October, 1839, -the Bank of Pennsylvania again leading the way. This Bank resumed, for a short time, early in 1841. Those of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and the Southern and Western States, resumed gradually, without concert, as they could provide the means. It was not till the beginning of 1843 that the Banks of the country might be said to be fairly upon a specie basis. This was not accomplished, however, until their liabilities were reduced considerably below what those of the Banks were in 1830, thirteen years before! This fact shows most strikingly the degree of exhaustion to which the country was reduced. The note circulation of the Banks on the first of January, 1843, equalled only $58,563,608; their deposits, $56,168,628: making a total of $114,732,236, against an aggregate of $276,583,070 in 1836, $170,506,556 in 1833, and $116,883,826 in 1830, when General Jackson began his famous experiments for the reformation of the currency. Had the rate of increase of the circulation from 1820 to 1830 been maintained from 1830 to 1843, the total at the last date would have equalled $197,761,749. There can be no doubt that the rate should have been far greater from 1830 to 1843 than from 1820 to 1830. Had the currency not been interfered with, the amount outstanding Jan. 1, 1843, including deposits, must have been $250,000,000,- an amount more than twice greater than that actually in circulation, and the whole of it the equivalent of coin. What a prodigious perturbation and loss must have resulted from the reduction of the currency, from $276,583,070 to $114,732,236, in the short period of six years! Thousands of millions would not have sufficed to make it good. The condition of the foreign commerce of the country reflected, in a striking degree, that of its domestic industries and trade. Its imports in 1836 equalled $189,980,035. In 1843, the year after the Banks finally resumed, they equalled only $86,333,398: the reduction in this period being $103,646,637, or considerably more than onehalf. The imports for the decade ending with 1839, during

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