the discovery of persons who are rare gems of moral value, worthy to be bound with them by the sacrament of a common ancestry, a common and glorious history, and a common mission, the highest ever committed to man, (viz.) "that of leading the van of spiritual and political progress," and yet how careful they are to conceal them. This is a pity, as a little curiosity has been excited to know whether those gems come from the New England States, and are represented by the persons whom the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher described as "the picklock of society, the pickpocket of the world, and the regenerators of the South without the first syllable"? Whether they are associated with the War Christians' whose leaders pander to the worst passions of the people, and take the lead in expressions of ferocity like the Revs. W. J. Sloane, Dr. Cheever, Parson Brownlow,' and Henry Ward Beecher making Wendell Phillips Esq. to ask with amazement "where is there a stronger power than the orthodox sects of the North for an army?" Whether Whittier, Bryant, or Longfellow, who give their boundless sympathies to the invaders of the South, and hold up for imitation the men "who smash both tables of the law to load their guns, are their favourite specimens." Whether Mrs. Stowe, with her spurious philanthropy which covers up "Lady pious slaveholding, Christian slavetrading," hides the horrors of the present war, and makes the children of the men whom the Northerns

have slain in battle to "rise up and call them blessed," is to their heart's content? Or whether his late excellency Abraham Lincoln, who exacted blood for blood as the assumed executioner of God's vengeance, and coolly and deliberately put on record his resolution, that "if necessary he would continue the war until the wealth piled by bondsmen by 250 years' unrequitted toil should be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash should be paid by another drawn with the sword," is one of the gems referred to so worthy to be cherished in remembrance, so endeared to the affections, whose virtues or deeds shall be chaunted in song, and eulogised by posterity? Tell it not in Gath. Publish it not in the streets of Askelon.

FEDERAL MILITARY POWER AND SUCCESS.

DURING the progress of the war we have not only seen state sovereignties trampled down beneath the black hoof of military despotism, but, also, the squatter sovereignty rights of citizens who have had the courage to protest against the usurpation of military despotic power, or have been only suspected of being unfriendly to the designs or wicked projects of the administrators of the Federal government. In the following narrative, the reader will be able to form an opinion of the white man's liberty under the stars and stripes.

Suspected" Persons in the Northern States.

Lately a number of persons who had been under arrest for various alleged offences against the Federal Government was set at liberty. One of the released prisoners gives the following description of that which a suspected person is made to endure at the Old Capitol prison in Washington:-" His cell has one barred window. At first he has no companions save the vermin. The furniture of his cell is a sack of straw and a pair of blankets. He is fed on prison rations, and eats without knife, fork, or spoon. Turnkeys guard him who are fit for such business. Such was the treatment Colonel North was subjected to, and Mr. Jones, and scores and hundreds of others. It is against prison rules that the victim should see a lawyer or any other person as to his case, until his charges shall have been served, and he can neither secure nor hasten his trial. Everything is at the beck of the high powers of the 'party founded on great moral ideas.' Perhaps the prison officer will permit fifteenminute interviews with wife or relatives, perhaps not. The prison officer's dinner may not have agreed with him, or he may be taking a nap when the prisoner's wife arrives from New York or Missouri. His letters may pass out if they contain nothing that the prisoner cares most to write about, viz., himself and his imprisonment. Letters to him generally reach him after his trial, if he is

tried, or after his capacity is proved to pay for a fifteenth or twentieth of a mess and a room just a little less nasty than his cell. The victim finally may be informed of his alleged crime, and then he is constantly beset for a statement.' Let him decline to make one, let him express ignorance, and in some way or another he will find the screw turned down harder on him. Perhaps he is sent to his cell to meditate on the trial by torture and its relations to moral law as administered by the Republican party. Perhaps he puts his head out of his window for a look at the blue sky, and hears the whiz of a bullet, to remind him that white men have no rights which sentries are bound to respect. Perhaps he is able to recollect some law, human or divine, which he has broken heedlessly or wittingly. The recollection is fatal. He is passed over to the court organised to convict.' His 'statement' is the basis of the charges, and he is convicted, The court which tries these prisoners being one for which there is no authority of law, it extorts even from the mouth of Thaddeus Stevens the admission that it is composed principally of men ignorant of law,' and it makes and gives judgments accord. ingly. The prisoner is protected from no injustice in the prosecution. These courts create crimes unknown to the civil or the military law, and, there being no punishment prescribed where there is no law, nothing limits the severity of their judgments. Personal malignity or political partizanship may

sharpen the sword, and against the blow which falls there is no redress for the victim. For the War Department has issued an order forbidding the divulging of the judgment of the military commission in the case of a civilian until that judgment is executed."

In the subjugation of the South by the Federal government, therefore, we shall no more hear of state sovereignties, except in connexion with diplomatic strategy to blind ambassadors, or foreign governments, as shown in the case of the attorney-general of Louisiana and the Fenians in New-York. The citizens, also, will no longer be able to claim that their "tongues are their own," and that with them they will prevail, except in the interest of their Federal rulers; and as to foreign nations, a "fierce resentment," according to the late Richard Cobden, is to be let loose against those governments, or classes that have freely criticised their actions, and thereby subjected them to a damaging power and influence, and that he, the late eminent statesman and philanthropist, could give to those men who let out the resentment his unrestrained sympathies as shewn in his avowal that, "From the moment the first shot was unhappily fired at Fort Sumter, thence forward his sympathies followed Federal commanders and soldiers to the field with all the interests in their terrible efforts which he had felt in the labours of Mr. Sumner and the other champions of free