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they occur in the Psalm, are in close connexion with the context, and have all the appearance of being part of the original effusion.

We have shown, in fact, in (408, 468-472), that the Psalm was, in all probability, written first, and the passages in question copied from it by the later writers of N.x.35 and Ju.v.4.

(ii) In v.30 (29), according to our view, reference is not made to the Temple, but to the Tabernacle just erected by David. We may assume that this was a building of some architectural pretensions, to which the term ', 'temple,' might be applied, as here-a word which is only used with reference to buildings of some importance, as the palace of Ahab, 1Kxxi.1, or that of the king of Babylon, 2K.xx.18, Is.xxxix.7, and, constantly, in speaking of the Temple. But it is also used of the Tabernacle at Shiloh, 18.i.9, iii.3, by the writer of the story of Eli, though in 1S.ii.22 he gives it the usual appellation, in, tent of the Congregation,' which is the only one used throughout the Pentateuch. This suggests that this writer may have actually seen with his own eyes the Tabernacle of David, and may have been accustomed to hear it commonly spoken of by the name which he here, accordingly, applies to the Mosaic Tabernacle.

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,temple הֵיכָל

(iii) It is hardly to be thought that the writer of this Psalm, living, as is supposed, amidst the woes of the Captivity, should be predicting here the conquest of Egypt and Ethiopia. But the fact is that in v.31 there seems to be no reference to any conquest, but only to the princes of these regions showing respect and reverence for the glorious, triumphant, God of Israel, and sending gifts to His Temple. We know that Solomon married Pharaoh's daughter, 1K.iii.1; and it is very probable that relations of some kind, not altogether unfriendly, may have existed between his father and the Court of Egypt. If not, it is easy to understand how expressions of this kind might be used with reference to these two great powers in the immediate neighbourhood of the kingdom of Israel.

(iv) There surely is no reason why a Psalm composed at the time when David was bringing up the Ark to Mount Zion, should not have contained such words as those in v.21-23, denouncing God's judgments upon the enemies of Himself and His people. The many foes of David's rising empire, with whom he was at war both before and after the bringing up the Ark, would abundantly explain such language.

(v) So far from the Psalm giving signs of a 'later character,' it seems to contain very strong indications of an archaic style and a very early origin.

(a) Its language is often very rough and abrupt, and in some places almost unintelligible, for want of those connecting links, and that polish and fulness of expression, which would have characterised a Post-Captivity Psalm: e.g. v.10,11, 13,14,17,18, &c.

(b) It contains several very uncommon words or grammatical forms:-v.2(3), , v.6(7), nini, v.14(15), jinby, v15,16(16,17), '), v.16(17), 787, v.17(18), N, v.27(28), 7, v.31(32), '.

(c) It employs older grammatical forms with ↑ (408.v).

(d) It has the phrases, (i) D'ņź y, ‘Sing unto Elohim,' v.4(5),32(33),

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'Bless ye Elohim,' v.26(27), (iii) 1‡o 17p, Traise ye Adonai,' v.32(33), (iv) 17 7177, 'Blessed be Adonai,' v.18(19), (v) by 7, ‘Blessed be Elohim,' instead of the Hallelu-jah,' 'Praise ye Jehovah,' which would certainly have been found in a later Psalm, more especially at the end, as in Ps.civ,cv,cvi,cxiii,cxv,cxvi, cxxxv,cxlvi,cxlvii,cxlviii,cxlix,cl; whereas the last of the above five expressions occurs only once more in the whole Bible, viz. in v.20 of the Elohistic Psalm, Ps.lxvi (E.8,J.0), and the first, second, third, and fourth, are found nowhere else than in the Psalm before us.

(e) As HUPFELD says, p.197, the choice and possession of Mount Zion is the very centre, the essential and characteristic feature, of the Psalm,' which suits well with the occasion in David's time, to which it is usually referred.

(f) The mention of 'little Benjamin, their ruler,' v.27, seems to correspond best, as we have said (405.v), to the time when the tribe of Benjamin had only just been deprived of the royal dignity, by the death of Saul, and, after supporting for a time the cause of Saul's son, Ishbosheth, 2S.ii.9,15,25,31, had yielded to the counsel of Abner, 2S.iii.19, and taken part with David. It is difficult to see how this allusion could well have been made by one writing after the Captivity.

(g) The mention of four tribes only in v.27, 'Benjamin and Judah,' 'Zebulon and Naphtali,' as 'representatives of all Israel,' HUPFELD, p.233, is intelligible in David's time, when we observe that the former two were the chief Southern tribes, and the latter two, the chief Northern, while the great tribe of Ephraim occupied the central part between them, but is not so easily explained on HUPFELD's supposition, ibid. that we have here a prophetical idea of the reunion of the severed brother-kingdoms, and the restoration of the united kingdom of Israel.' Surely, Zebulon and Naphtali could not have been taken to represent, as HUPFELD supposes, the 'kingdom of Israel,' of which the only proper exponent was the tribe of Ephraim.

A friend has suggested that the omission of any reference in this Psalm to the tribe of Ephraim may be due to the fact that no representatives of that tribe were present at the bringing up of the Ark to the Tabernacle at Jerusalem, which act may have been resented by them, as passing a slight upon their own sacred place of Shiloh. This refusal of theirs to attend upon this occasion, would not be inconsistent with their afterwards marching under David's command, like turbulent barons under a sovereign prince, to attack the common foe in the great Syrian war, when the national safety and existence were at stake, and when David wrote so warmly of that powerful and populous tribe, as 'Ephraim, the strength of his head,' Ps.lx.7. And, even if Shiloh itself was in ruins, and had ceased to be regarded as a sacred place in the days of David, yet the Ephraimites might still have been strongly opposed to the notion of centralising all power and dignity, civil and religious, at Jerusalem. We see evident signs of such a spirit among them in the language ascribed to Jeroboam, at the time of the rebellion of the Ten Tribes, and their separation from the house of David: 'And Jeroboam said in his heart, Now shall the kingdom return to the house of David. If this people go up to do sacrifice in the House of Jehovah at Jerusalem, then shall the heart

of this people turn again unto the Lord, even unto Rehoboam, king of Judah.' 1 K.xii.26,27.

(h) In v.22 we read

'Adonai said, I will bring again from Bashan,

I will bring again from the depths of the sea.' And these words are supposed by some, as OLSHAUSEN, p.294, to contain a promise that God would bring back the exiles from their wanderings in the East (beyond the hills of Bashan) and in Egypt (over the deep sea). HUPFELD, however, and EWALD explain them of bringing back into the power of Israel their fugitive enemies from all their places of refuge, from Bashan eastward and the Sea westward, and delivering them up into their hands for condign punishment, 'that their foot may be dipped in the blood of their enemies, and the tongue of their dogs in the same,' v.23, -an explanation which, of course, suits well with David's time, but hardly with the days of the Captivity.

416. Since, therefore, all HuPFELD's arguments, to prove the later origin of this Psalm, are in our judgment to be reversed, as indicating rather its earlier composition, we may recur with confidence to the usual supposition, which connects it with the removal of the Ark in David's time to Mount Zion,- the occasion which, as HUPFELD himself says, 'most immediately presents itself,' and gives incontestably the best sense' for it, nay, 'is the only one which suits' certain features of the Psalm. Not without reason, then, DE WETTE 'reckons this Psalm among the oldest relics of Hebrew Poetry, of the highest originality,' HUPFELD, iii.p.201.

304

CHAPTER XVI.

THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED.

417. EWALD, who supposes Ps.lxviii to have been written. ' at the dedication of the second Temple,' observes as follows:--

'It bears all the marks of a song not flowing out of an instantaneous impulse and inspiration, but composed with design and much skill for a certain end' [the bringing up of the Ark?'], p.297. 'It seems as if the poet had felt himself unequal to produce so lofty a song from his own resources; for the most beautiful and forcible passages in it are, as it were, flowers picked from old songs, which we in part find elsewhere in the O. T., and in part must suppose to have been once in existence. The whole is rather compiled out of a number of striking passages of older songs, as a new work firmly put together; and since many ancient passages are very abrupt, (as being known, perhaps, to the singers,) the explanation is often difficult. Where, however, we have the easily-recognised peculiar additions of the poet himself, there we see generally this later time plainly appear in the ideas, v.4,6,20,32, as well as in the language. So that, whoever considers this double nature of the contents, and then the whole character of the Psalm, will not easily persuade himself that it dates from the time of the first dedication of the Temple under Solomon, or, generally, that it was composed earlier than the time when the second Temple was built. In an historical point of view also it is worthy of note that in v.28 only four lay-tribes are named as coming to the Temple, which in Solomon's time has no meaning. And we learn from this that already, 511 B.C., not only Benjamin and Judah, but also Zebulon and Naphtali, that is, inhabitants of northern Palestine and Galilee, attended the Temple on Zion.' p.298.

Ans. As to the latter point, the explanation, which we have given above (415.v.g) seems much more natural. But, with respect to the later 'ideas' and 'language,' for which EWALD gives certain references, the following are the passages in question as translated by himself.

v.4(5), 'Sing unto Elohim, sing praises to His Name;

Make a path (†) for Him who travels through the desert (ni?),
Named Jah, and rejoice before Him.'

Here a reference seems to be supposed to the later Isaiah, who writes:

x1.3, 'Prepare ye the way of Jehovah,

Make straight in the desert (77) a highway (pp) for our God,
being from the same root as nhop.

The word

lvii.14, 'Cast ye up, cast ye up, (abb, abo), prepare ye the way;

Take up the stumbling-block out of the way of my people.'

lxii. 10, 'Cast up, cast up, the highway, (bpp abb abb),

Gather up the stones, lift up a standard for the people.'

But in these two passages the path is to be made for the people, in the Psalm for Elohim. The expression seems to have been proverbial; but, if copied at all, the later Isaiah may have copied from the Psalm.

v.6(7), 'Elohim restores home (i) the dispersed;

The prisoners He sets free in gladness and wealth;

The rebellious only abide in the waste.'

Here again, apparently, there is supposed to be a reference to Is.lviii.7, 'And that thou bring home (ɲ' ') the poor that are cast out.'

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v.32(33)

And Jehovah Adonai

Has even from death a way of escape [for us].' 'Ye kingdoms of the earth, sing unto Elohim! Sing praises to Adonai!'

It is difficult to see what signs of a later date are contained in these words. I have shown above (415.v.d) that the expressions in v.32 rather indicate the contrary.

The only other additional argument which EWALD produces, to fix the composition of this Psalm in a late age, is that the expression just quoted from v.20, 'Jehovah Adonai has even a way of escape from death,' can only refer to the deliverance from the Captivity. But surely such a reference is neither necessary in this case, nor probable.

418. v.30,31,(31,32), are translated by EWALD as follows:

'Restrain the beast of the reeds (Ew., HUPF., OLS., E.V. margin),

The host of bulls with the calves of the people,

That hastens on with pieces of silver;

Scatter the people that delight in war;

That so nobles may come out of Egypt,

And Cush (Ethiopia) in haste lift up his hands unto God.'

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And he observes, p.304, The wild reed-beast (lion or tiger, that is, the great King), who with the host of bulls, (mighty ones, chiefs), and the calves (weaker forces) of the people, hastens through fear to bring homage in silver-pieces, but, whilst he does this simply from fear, must first be punished and instructed, is, perhaps, a description of the then-existing warlike Persian kingdom, whose symbol is the Euphrates and Tigris, rivers on whose reedy banks lions abound.'

X

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