of poetry, the epic, the lyric, the didactic, and the dramatic. It has therefore been justly observed, that the proper object of the poem is didactic, as the poet will, by means of it, justify the ways of God to men. It is epic merely by the greatness of the action and the episodes respecting the war in heaven. But the action itself is dramatic, both in design and execution, and the main interest from beginning to end dwells about a single great tragic character, the fallen archangel. Finally, the poem is lyric, not only in single passages, but even in general, in its whole tone and expression. Thus then the Paradise Lost, in a poetic point of view, forms a species in itself, without a model, and as yet without a copy; but to think of rejecting it on this account would be to sacrifice the just rights of genius to the crotchets of the schools. The power with which this wonderful poem seizes on every mind of a deeper and more serious cast, only proves the poverty of our ordinary poetic theories."" - p. 409.

Here, then, we have a book which is the most thorough and concise introduction to Milton's writings that has been produced, a work complete in itself, and, although especially designed as a companion to an edition of the Paradise Lost now in the press, well adapted to serve as a hand-book to any edition of the poet. We heartily thank Mr. Keightley for his labors, which we hope may lead others to find, as he professes to have found, in the study of Milton, "a source of delight in prosperity, of strength and consolation in adversity."

It is a pleasure to know that our own countrymen have not been backward in the homage they have paid to the genius of Milton. Dr. Channing's Essay will always stand in the front rank. Several years ago, Philadelphia furnished in Mr. John Hall an admirable translator of the "Epistolæ Familiares"; in the first American edition of the prose works, published in the same city, there is an enthusiastic tribute to Milton's powers by Rufus W. Griswold; and the posthumous Essays of the lamented Henry Reed contain many pleasing pages upon our poet. Keightley, in his notes, has occasion to refer to Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature, which reminds us that, if we have not been misinformed, there are in the portfolio of that learned gentleman many manuscript. sheets upon the subject of Milton, with the literature bearing upon whose writings and those of his commentators his library very choicely furnished. Nor can we forget the graceful

is

lectures delivered before the Lowell Institute in Boston by Mr. George Stillman Hillard and Professor Lowell. Could we possess these various manuscripts in a permanent form, they would be widely read and prized, adding, if possible, to the debt of gratitude we already owe their authors.

Mr. Hunter, whose little tract, entitled, " Milton, a Sheaf of Gleanings after his Biographers and Annotators," we have given in our caption, we might almost claim as being an American from his work on the Founders of New Plymouth, full of valuable historical information. The genealogical investigation to which the tract is chiefly devoted has elicited some new facts for which Keightley has acknowledged his indebtedness, and the notes on some of the poems, aside from their merit, are curious, as showing how every line, nay, almost every word, of Milton's verse, has furnished scope for commentators.

In closing our review, we must not omit referring to a contemporary sketch, entitled " Milton the Londoner," to be found in those delightful volumes of Charles Knight, " Once upon a Time," and would add, that one and all of these charming stories of the old régime will well repay perusal.

ART. VI.-India, Ancient and Modern, Geographical, His torical, Political, Social, and Religious; with a Particular Account of the State and Prospects of Christianity. By DAVID O. ALLEN, D. D., Missionary of the American Board for twenty-five years in India, Member of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, and Corresponding Member of the American Oriental Society. Boston: Jewett & Co. 1856. Large 8vo. pp. 618.

THE Conquest of India by England, and her present empire in the southern part of Asia, are the most remarkable political changes in the Eastern Continent within the past century. One hundred years ago the English possessions in India consisted of the island of Bombay, and the cities of Calcutta and

Madras, with a few square miles of territory around them. Now, more than two thirds of India, containing one hundred millions of inhabitants, are subject directly to England, while her power extends indirectly over all the remaining territory, the entire subjection of which, with its population of fifty millions, appears to be only a question of time, and is likely to be accomplished with little if any resistance on the part of the present rulers or their subjects.

The English East India Company was incorporated in the year 1600, and thus is now more than two centuries and a half old. The objects of the Company were purely of a commercial nature. Conquest and commerce in the southern countries and islands of Asia were united in the plans of the Portuguese, the Dutch, and other nations on the Continent, but the acquisition of foreign possessions for themselves or their nation appears not to have been the object of those who formed the English Company. Sir Thomas Roe, who in 1615 was sent as ambassador to the Emperor of Delhi, and who remained some years in India, advised the Company not to seek for territory. "At my first arrival in India," says he, "I understood a fort was very necessary; but experience teaches me that it is better not to have any. If the Emperor would offer me ten, I would not accept of one." And he then proceeds to give, in detail, his reasons for this advice.

But some agents of the Company were of a different opinion. Their factories often contained property of great value, and as the districts around them were not unfrequently in a state of revolution and anarchy, they felt the need of better security for their lives and property. For this purpose they had sometimes to support a large police in their factories, which gave them the appearance rather of forts and castles than of trading establishments. Increasing experience and knowledge of the country and its inhabitants showed the importance of their having places which they could fortify and defend. With this view, in 1640 they obtained Madras, with a few square miles around it, by a treaty with a native prince. It was then a small village, but was soon fortified, and became their principal factory on that coast. In 1668 they obtained the island of Bombay from Charles II., who had received it a

few years before as part of the dowry of his queen from her father, the king of Portugal. Bombay was then estimated to contain only 10,000 inhabitants. But its excellent harbor rendered it of great importance, and it early became the principal seat of British commerce on the western coast. Calcutta, the political and commercial capital of India for nearly a century past, did not become an English possession till 1688. It was obtained by a generous present" from prince Azim, who was a grandson of Aurungzeb, and then in charge of Bengal. It was then a small village, but was at once fortified, and became a place of large business.

The English had never any war with the Emperors of Delhi, but there was much difficulty at different times between the agents of the Company and the imperial governors and deputies. In 1687, Aurungzeb became so much vexed with some proceedings of Sir John Child and other agents of the Company, that he issued orders to his subordinates to expel the English from every part of his dominions. Their factories at Surat, Masulipatam, and Vizagapatam, were seized, and some of their agents were put to death. The island of Bombay was attacked, the greater part of it was taken, and the governor was besieged in the castle. "In these circumstances," says Mill, "the English stooped to the most abject submission, and at length succeeded in pacifying the Emperor, obtaining their factories, and renewing their trade." Referring to the same transactions, Murray says: "Our countrymen were compelled to have recourse to the most humble submission."

Near the close of the seventeenth century, the proprietors and directors of the Company made a careful review of its history, and examined the political state of India; and the result was a determination to acquire territorial possessions, as well as to carry on trade. The directors wrote to their gov ernors and agents in India thus :

"The increase of our revenue is the subject of our care as much as our trade; it is that must maintain our force, when twenty accidents may interrupt our trade; it is that must make us a nation in India. Without that, we are but as a great number of interlopers, united by his Majesty's royal charter, fit only to trade where no body of power

thinks it their interest to prevent us; and upon this account it is that the wise Dutch, in all their general advices which we have seen, write ten paragraphs concerning government, their civil and military policy, warfare, and the increase of their revenue, for one paragraph they write concerning trade."

The East India Company, having resolved to become a nation, and to acquire an independent position, instructed their governors and agents to purchase every city and district which the native princes could be persuaded to alienate. But some years passed without any opportunity of acquiring territory in this way.

The Portuguese and the Dutch, from their first arrival in the East Indies, were often at war with the natives in different places. But the English were engaged in no such war for nearly a century and a half. In 1744, war commenced between England and France, and soon produced a state of warfare between all the foreign possessions of the two nations respectively. The English and French powers in India were engaged in active hostilities, which continued with little intermission for nineteen years. This war was chiefly in the Carnatic; but the struggle was for national ascendency in India, and it was the intention of each party to expel the other from the country. They had become acquainted with the weakness of the native governments, and saw that these could present no effectual obstacle to European conquest. Labourdonnais, Dupliex, and Lally, who were successively at the head of the French interests in India, were men of great ambition, ability, and energy. Their views and aims as to power and empire were scarcely inferior to those of the great Asiatic conquerors of earlier ages. No war between the English and French ever involved more important consequences, and none was ever carried on with greater vigor, perseverance, and valor. The European forces at no time exceeded four or five thousand men on each side, but each party endeavored to strengthen its interests by alliance with the native governments. Not only the petty princes in the vicinity, but some of the largest powers in India, as the Mahrattas, the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Nabob of Arcot, and Hyder Ali, became involved in the conflict. These princes appeared in