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35th Cong....1st Sess.

Admission of Kansas-Mr. Gilmer.


besides, we find growing out of this, that hun- | take it that all our American friends would vote about associating with Abolitionists, and of hug. dreds of thousands of foreigners are flocking to us for it; every man from the South would vote for ging abolition doctrines as a sweet morsel! Why, every year; that foreign paupers are by thousands | it; I know that our Douglas Democrats would vote Mr. Chairman, the whole thing in that message and ihousands being set upon our shores. In fact, for it; and I am inclined to think that the Free- is," in with Kansas--out with slavery in Kansas; I find from the best official statements, that the Soil wing of the Democracy—these Buffalo plat- and identically the same thing is in the Senate bill, number of foreign emigrants that came to this form men-could be got to vote for it, with a that the South is called upon to rally as one man country from June 1, 1850, to December 31, 1851, || Green amendment. That is my opinion. to the support of. I have asked many of our Lewas five hundred and fifty-eight thousand; for the But, Mr. Chairman, is that the question? On compton friends if this Green amendment, which year 1852, three hundred and seventy-five thou- what has this debate arisen? On the special mes. they have got in the bill, speaks the language of sand; for the year 1853, three hundred and sixty- | sage of the President. Does he say that whether this message? Some say no, others say it does; cight thousand;

for the year 1854, nearly the same. there shall be any more slave States is the ques- || and there is another class who give the answer the The war in the East diminished the number, but I tion? No, sir; that message, as I understand it, girl guve to her mother, when asked, if a certain venture the prediction that between the years 1850 means these two things—and it means nothing gentleman was courting her; she replied, “it is a and 1860 there will have come to this country for- more and nothing less--to the South, “come in sorter so, and a sorter not so, and rather more a eigners enough to place in each of twenty new Lecompton," and to northern gentlemen," it is sorter so than a sorter not so. (Laughter.] Now, States more population than is now in the Terri- || the surest and readiest way, and the only certain that amendment is a very little thing-only a few tory of Kansas. These foreigners make their way way, in which you can confiscate southern prop- | lines. There is not much of it, but I tell you

I muinly to the Territories, or crowd into the free

erty and get clear of negroes in Kansas.” I have never read it over but it reminds me very much States, occasioning increased emigration from listened to gentlemen here professing great regard of the boy who was scolded for not making the them.

for the interests of the South, and, while all of potato hills on a wet morning large enough. These facts being undeniable, I submit, how them have been eloquent on the first part of the * Well, dad," said he, “it is a fact that they are important it is for our southern politicians to turn picture, they have all, save and except a gentle- small, but I tell you they have got a darned sight their atiention to them! While the people of the man from the chivalrous State of South Carolina, of dirt in them.” [Laughter.] Sir, if this is a pill North were willing to dispense with and check || passed over that portion as tenderly as sucking gilded over to make it acceptable to some Green this immense immigration among them, for rea- doves. (Laughter.] I will read from the Presi- men, southern men ought to be ashamed of it. I sons of a social character, to diminish their taxes, dent's message, in order that there may be no mis- || know that this peculiar policy is practiced in our prosecutions, and the inmates of their poor- take about it:

little electioneering scuffies in our country, and I houses, jails, and penitentiaries, I respectfully ask, “ As a question of expediency, after the right has been suppose everywhere else, but I never supposed it why should not the South, to a man, for reasons maintained, it may be wisc to reflect upon the benefits to ought to obtain in the Congress of our nation. as well understood as expressed, have joined in Kansas and the whole country, which would result from its Once when I charged a friend of mine with havthis great movement? and if in the first movements

iminediate admission into the Union, as well as the disas-
ters which may follow its rejection. Domestic peace will

ing said some foolish things in a speech which he and organizations any rules were adopted too strict be the happy consequence of its admission : and that fine had made, and told him that I thought he had or too stringent to be generally enforced, or too se- Territory, which has hitherto been torn by dissensions, will hurt our cause, he said: “Ah, Gilmer, you do vere on the honest immigrant, to have given their rapidly itcrease in population and wealth, and speedily re- not know the folks as well as I do. A great many

alize the blessings and the comforts which follow in the train potent aid and influence in modifying the same, of agricultural and mechanical industry. The people will

people are like a nest of young birds; if you tap so as to have carried most useful results to our

then be sovereign, and can regulate their own attairs in the side of the tree, they'll open their mouths, beloved South? But it has been their pleasure to their own way. If a majority of the desire to abolish do- and swallow the worm down." (Laughter.] pursue a different course, and the results thereof inestic slavery within the State, there is no other possible mode by which this can be effected so speedily as by prompt

Southern men supposed that we had got somehave, in no small degree, contributed to the emadmission. The will of the majority is supreme and irre

thing by the Dred Scott decision. 1, for one, barrassing circumstances that now seem to gather sistible, when expressed in an orderly and lawful manner. as a southern man, thought we had obtaineri around us and swallow up our influence in the They can make and unmake constitutions at pleasure. It something ; I thought that we had got upon safe national council. The argument has been, " settle

would be absurd to say that they can impose fetters upon
their own power which they cannot afterwards remove. If

ground; that we had perfect equality in the Terand populate the Territories," forgetting the fact they could do this, they might tie their own hands for a hun

ritories; that we could go there with our instithat in the last seventy-five years our population | dred as well as for ten years. These are fundamental prin- tutions and our property, and be just as safe has increased from three to some twenty-seven

ciples of American freedom, and are recognized, I believe, there as the men who go there from any other millions, ninefold, and if the same ratio of increase

in some form or other, by every State constitution; and it shall obtain for the next seventy-five years, the Congress, in the act of admission, should think proper to rec

section with any other species of property. But ognize them, I can perceive no objection to such a course.

if this is the meaning, if this is the result of the result will be nine times twenty-seven millions, This has been done emphatically in the constitution of Kan- Dred Scott decision, then those of us who go into showing how important these Territories may be

sas. It declares in the bill of rights, that all political power the Territories with our slave property, have to (sold at reasonable prices paid into the Treasury)

is inherent in the people, and all free governments are
founded on their authority, and instituted for their benefit,

run two chances--first that the people may exfor the homes of our own posterity, and of honest and therefore they have at all times an inalienable and in- clude us when they come to form their constituworthy foreigners, who come to us as they did in defeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish their forın of gov- tion, and if they do not run us out at first, then former days, from a love of our free Government, ernment in such manner as they inay think proper.'

whenever the majority of the people desire it, great State of New York is at this moment governed under and who are willing to settle among us, sure of a constitution framed and established in direct opposition

they may run us and our negroes out. And this being protected in all their rights of religion and

to the mode prescribed by the previous constitution. Ir, is the doctrine upon which the South is to stand; property, and who are willing to wait until they therefore, the provision changing the Kansas constitution this is the doctrine, mark you, which Alabama have understood and become familiar with our after the year 1864, could by possibility be construed into a and other States are to go out of the Union on, people and their institutions before claiming the

probibition to make a change previous to that period, this
prohibition would be wholly unavailing. The Legislature

if they cannot get. It is not from any objection to right to participate in their government.

already clected may, at its very first session, submit the the constitution of Kansas, that I, as a southern These suggestions I have made to southern gen- question to a vote of the people, whether they will or will

man, oppose her admission. I would be pleased tlemen here, and throughout the slave States, that not have a convention to amend their constitution, and

that we could fairly and properly get slavery adopt all necessary ineans for giving effect to the popular on reflection they may determine whether they

poco bave not been remiss in failing to come to the aid “ It has been solemnly adjudged, by the highest judicial trine, that we can be protected in our property of a cause quite material to southern influence and tribunal known to our laws, that slavery exists in Kansas while in partnership during the territorial state, southern interests. by virtue of the Constitution of the United States. Kansas

but the moment we become an incorporation-a is, therefore, at this moment, as much a slave State as GeorI was very much entertained, Mr. Chairman, gia or South Carolina. Without this, the equality of the

State-every man that owns joint stock is inby the speech of the gentleman from Louisiana, sovereign States composing the Union would be violated, stantly liable by constitutional provision to have [Ir. Sandidge,) and, if I had time, I should like and the use and enjoyment of a Territory, acquired by the his property confiscated. And this is the doctrine to incorporate at least half of it in mine, to show,

common treasure of all the States, would be closed against in addition to the millions that have already come, the people and the property of nearly half the members of

which we have been told here, month after month, the Contederacy.”

and day after day, that every southern man must how many more millions of paupers are to come And then he concludes with this very cheering

stand upon; otherwise he is an Abolitionist and under our present system of inviting them to come

doctrine for southern men and southern interests: | opposed to the interests of the South ! here. But, Mr. Chairman, what is it that we have “ Slavery can, therefore, never be probibited in Kansas, | agitated the country for the last four years? It is

Mr. Chairman, what is the question which has been discussing here for the last ninety days? other hanner can this be obtained so promptly, if a majority one that has taken up the entire attention of ConThis discussion has been either intentionally or of the people desire it, as by admitting it into the Union un- gress. We have been figuring about it uniil, I accidentally conducted so as to bring out the exder its present constitution.”

believe, not only the country but the Government treme sectional views of gentlemen from the South The President points out the way in advance. | itself is upon the verge of bankruptcy. This quesand from the North. Ii is only within the last He stimulates the Free-Soilers in Kansas to dis- tion commenced with two faces--one for the Frcecight or ten days that any conservative man has like the constitution. He requests this prompt | Soil Democrats of the North, and one for the been permitted to address the House on this agi- means of getting slavery out of Kansas to be rec- South; and the same identical double face is in this tated question. It is said that this is a question ognized in the bill of admission.

bill, and I will detain the committee only for a whether any more slave States shall come into Here is the message. I submit it to the chair- moment, while I refer them to some history of it. this Union, and speech after speech is made and man, to the committee, and to southern men- We had our troubles some years ago growing out sent to the South to tell the southern people that suppose, that instead of having the name of James of the discussion of the compromise measures. In we are solemnly debating in the House of Rep-Buchanan attached to it, it had had the name of January, 1851, the venerable fathers of the land, resentatives the naked question whether any more the distinguished gentleman from Ohio, Joshua Whigs and Democrats, gathered together, with slave Slates shall come into the Union.

R. Giddings at the end of it, I ask, if that name Henry Clay at their head, and drew up a pledge Why, Mr. Chairman, if that were true, if that had been attached, whether it would not have to the country that from and after that day their were the only question here, it might have been been an entirely different case? We would pro

influence would be exerted against every man for seuled within twenty-four hours after this debate nounce it a rank abolition document. And yet, office, State or Federal, who would refuse to stand commenced. If that were the only question, I li sir, our southern friends come up here and talk upon the platform of the adjustment measures of



35TH CONG....1st Sess.

Admission of Kansas-Mr. Gilmer.


1850. The people rallied to that standard. The Tell us why the Green amendment is admitted ? l that justice might be done? Is that an interferDemocratic convention met in Baltimore in 1852; Which would you rather have for your bed-fel- ence with the right of trial by jury? And app. the Wiig convention met at the same place, and lows? I tell you the difference is very much like pose a jury is empanneled to seitle the question, they both bowed down at the same altar of peace the slave's reply when asked whether Jim and and they come back to the judge, and one of the upon this agitating question. They reaffirmed in Mose were not very much alike. He said, “Yes, I jury gets up and says the verdict is so and 39, substance what Mr. Fillmore said in December, I very much alike, indeed; and particularly Mose." and another says it is not so, and the judge tells 1851—that this compromise of 1850 should be a (Laughter.] It is not so much, I fear, that they them, “gentlemen, you had better retire, get tofinality, and there should be no more agitation of care about getting negroes into Kansas, or getting | gether again and consult, and agree upon your the slavery question in or out of Congress. To them out. It is not any principle of this kind. It verdict, and, when you come in, it will be recordthat both of the leading parties were pledged to is, I apprehend, a mere contrivance by which job- led:” is that any interference? I wanted to show the country. They put their candidates upon that bing has been carried on in this country to keep | how ridiculous this idea is._Is that intervention? platform. General Pierce was elected. "He was certain men in power. In fact this whole man- What are Green's and Pugh's amendments installed. Unfortnnately, however, he, in a shortagement and shuffling reminds me of what oc- Let our northern anti-slavery men, of all parties, time, made some injudicious appointments-he curred in one of our North Carolina towns some understand that the President of the United States turned out the true Democrats of the North, men years ago. A silly fellow declared himself a can- has given a true construction to the Dred Seal who I am proud to find standing in the same ranks didate for town constable. The boys had a cir- decision, and you will never have any more fux they did then. Van Buren, Dix, Cochrane & Co., cular printed for him. It was printed on both about this matter from them. The President sans the Buffalo platform men, were then coming in, sides like this-with Lecompton on one side, and it means that when the people of any State gee and the party was about to break up. Something Green upon the other. On one side he addressed proper to get together in a legal way, to get up a had to be done. The Administration was going himself to the debtors: “ Fellow-citizens, vote for convention sanctioned by law, a mere majority down. A prescription had to be made. It was me, and if I am elected constable, I will never vote of their assembly Free-Soil, they may fora given: and on the principle that you prescribe to force you to payment, even at any extremity.' a constitution and the negroes will all slope. Tran one choked with a turnip-get him to swallow a On the other side was an address to the creditors: is giving the Abolitionists a new cue, and nee pumpkin, and it would relieve him. (Laughter.] “ If you will come up and vote for me, and I shall which will run out the institution of my beloved They went upon this Cincinnati platform. I am be elected, I promise, upon my honor, I will have section from all the Territories, certainly, ard not going to detain the committee to show how your money paid, in every instance, at the drop endanger it in many of the States. our friends viewed it in the South. That is well of a hat.

Mr. Chairman, I desire to look upon this quesknown. I desire to show how the matter stands Mr. Chairman, I am not disposed to detain this tion without reference to any section, or how it with the Administration, to show what the Dem- | committee with a review of the decision of the will affect any body other than the general g360 ocratic Free-Soilers said before, afterwards, and Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case. All I and peace of the whole country. If no other plan all the time. A few months before the Cincin- have to say is this: that my views upon the con- can be devised and agreed on, I may feel myself nati convention inet, a distinguished Free-Soiler stitutionality of the Missouri compromise were constrained to vote for the measure, being urged wrote to the North. Mr. Hubbard, Mr. Wood-known long before that decision was made; and by southern friends and sectional pressure. And bury, and all these noisy men of the Buffalo con- I thought that the compromise was not in accord- if I do, the Green amendment stricken out, it vu vention, began to give evidence that they wanted ance with the spirit of the Constitution. Although not be (and I say it here) a measure which my to return to their friends. Here is one. I give it my opinion inclines to that of the Supreme Court, sound judgment can approve as the better pleo. as a fair specimen of their letters and speeches. I and did before the decision was made, yet, from If I could, I would put the whole responsibili'y It is the leiter of Hon. C. C. Cambreling to Wil- the length of time it had been a compromise, I upon the Democracy, where it belongs; for I a liam H. Ludlow, Esq., dated Huntington, De- was disposed to look upon it as a compromise believe if they would relax a little. and honestly cember 8, 1855:

which had better be abided by: As in the case set their heads to work with our southern friends 66 MY DEAR SIR: Even southern men in Kansas acknowl

of two neighbors whose boundary line is in dis- and other conservative men in this House, this edge that it will inevitably be a free State. THIS IS THE

pute-a boundary which can only be settled by whole matter might be put upon a footing entirciy LAST STRUGGLE FOR SLAVERY; for the half dozen Terri- ihe provisions of a deed; and no agreement they satisfactory to the South, to the East, to the tories remaining are already free, and will remain so. might make by parol would change the line fixed West, to the North; satisfactory to the people of

“ There would not have been half the trouble about KanBas, but for Atchison's struggle to get back into the Senate.

by the deed, any more than any agreement be- Kansas, and without any compromise of any As the question now stands, there ought to be no difficulty tween two sections of the country by Congress principle, substantially in the manner indicard whatever in uniting the Democratic party; for the principle could be changed. But when the neighbors have by me heretofore. of the Nebraska and Kansas bill — squatter sorereigntiwhatever its origin, gives us every Territory belonging to

established a line by parol agreement, staked and I must say that when I hear it asserted here the United States; and all we have now to insist upon is,

chopped it off, and have lived in peace, harmony, and everywhere, and the proofs strongly tending that it shall be honestly enforced; that Kansas shall have and prosperity under it for more than thirty years, to show, that the government of Kansas Yas, 'n fair play. Practically, there is no difference worth quarrel- if they should come to me and ask my advice the first instance, ruthlessly snatched from te ing about. " It appears to me to be perfectly absurd for us to be grum

whether they should break up this old landmark | people, unconstitutional test oaths applied, ty bling about squailer sovereignty' at the present time, when

-now the true line being ascertained by the deed which the minority, who by fraud obtained the squatter sovereignty will make free every inch of territory -and go back to their rights according to law, control of the government, and by which the st. How belonging to the United States.

I should say, as a man, a neighbor, and as a jority were kept from participating in the govers* After the acquisition of California, with the prospect of

Christian, also, that they had better let the old the addition of more Mexican territory, when General Cass

ment; when I am told, and the proof tends test proposed the doctrine of non-intervention, it was an im

landmarks stand, and abide by them, and by no way, that not more than one half of the coontja portant question, as it might have led to the introduction of means revive old disputes and quarrels. So with of the Territory were permitted to be represented many slave States; but after the South had been completely | the case of this Missouri compromise. I do not in the convention, I doubt the propriety of spcheckmated by California's declaration in favor of freedom, I believe the South is going to gain anything by its || porting the constitution framed thus. I disse ve had no reason to object to the doctrine of non-intervention, or squatter sovereignty. We have now, besides Kan- repeal, and I firmly believe that the only reward | from the idea that a majority of the counties ef sils and Nebraska, New Mexico, Utah, Minnesota, Oregon, the South will ever get from its repeal will be to any State can make a constitution that is binding and Washington, making reven Territories, which will give her injury, and anything but an advantage to her on the minority of counties who did not have a uy seven free States. Some think the fate of Kansas doubt. ful; but the invasion of the Missouri rowdies, independent true interests.

chance to be represented in the convention. Wat of natural causes, will make it a free State. These bor

But it is said that the only way to pacify the have you more judges than one? It is not simp, derers came over first to vote for pro-slavery men; the scc- country is to admit no amendments to this bill; for the sake of numbers, but that there may be ond time to vote against them in the location of the capital; that it cannot be bettered; that in no way can it and the third time to make a bluster under Shannon, plun

conference, argument, interchange of views. W der the people, and drink whisky.

be improved; that it has got to be passed in the may be to-day all inclined one way, and to-ms. “ Under such circumstances I cannot conceive what we shape in which it is presented, even though a row a greater and better mind than any of us,rrecan possibly gain by resisting a principle which has hitherto proposition should be presented, which, if carried resenting but one district, may make a suggestion excluded slavery from our Territories. * The slaveholders will not get Kansas, and they are now

out, would more effectually pacify and quiet the sufficient to change the opinion of the whole cas, deprived of the pretext ot going into the Territories south

country, and settle the whole question. Why, gress. We know that the election of the 4th ef of 36° 30', under that compromise. They generally opposed say they, it would be intervention. Now, let me January was recognized by the Secretary of Sist, non intervention on that ground, and contended for carry- deiain the committee a moment, to show how ri- who gave instructions that that very electen ing the compromise line to the Pacific ocean. It is certainly diculous that idea is. What is this thing of non- should be fairly held, and the votes fairly and innot for our interest now to have that compromise line restored. Why the South should have voted for its repeal is

intervention? Why, is it intervention to leave partially taken; that vote turns out to be over ten a question for themselves in settle. They all, at the time, the people of a Territory perfectly free and un- ihousand against the constitution. We are se:1. adinitted that Kansas would never be a slave State. I hope trammeled to settle this, with all other questions, too, and assured, that the Legislature of the Ta our friends will neet il e issue boldly, and leave the question of State organization to the people of the Territory,

in their own way, fairly and properly, subject ritory, representing the will of the people, ani who have the natural and best right to decide for them

only to the Constitution of the United States unanimously protesting against this thing; and selves.

Now, sir, do we consider it any intervention, in are also told that the whole constitution rests on Let the squatters settle-but insist that that principle the case of a trial by jury, after the verdict is an- || fraud, deception, and violence. And permite ** of the Nebraska act shall be honestly carried out that the squatters shall have fair play, and shall not be controlled

nounced, to set the same aside, and grant a new say further, as a southern man, that, when I see as by invaders from Missouri, or any military power whatever. trial upon affidavits which clearly prove and satis- southern friends on the special committee in ter As to more slave States,' there are none in prospect; and fy the judge that the verdict was obtained by matter declining to obey the instructions of the it is useless to embarrass ourselves by anticipating questions fraud, by perjury, by deception, or by any mal- House, and shrinking from inquiry, it leaves the which inay or may not arise."

practices? Is it any intervention for an honest suspicion stronger on my mind that these reporus Now, sir, these two wings are standing to-day i and conscientious judge, after being satisfied of are true. I hope that they are not. I hope tha: exactly where they stood before. Tell me, if you the facts by reliable affidavits, to say that he doubt. | deeds perpetrated there have not been so horribe please, why these men you are hugging to your ed whether the verdict had been fairly obtained, as they have been represented; but when I ex bosom on the other side, stand with you? these and in the exercise of the discretion which is vest- chivalrous gentlemen, from my own section of the men who were, and now are, rank Free-Soilers ? !l ed in him, decided to grant a new trial, in order ll Union, turning their baok upon an investigation,

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and saying that we had better not look into these

sembly. The first is, that the subject has been so speedy admission. The real question involved in things, I iake it for granted there is more in these long and thoroughly discussed in all its aspects the admission of Kansas is, "shall another slave assertions than I before supposed. But, sir, this and bearings-every fact, argument, and illustra. State, as such, be admitted into this Union?" special committee was directed to do anotherthing: tion pertaining to it has been so completely ex That is the issue now before us. It is not a comThat was, to tell us whether this Territory had hausted that it seerns next to impossible to say plicated one. Slavery expansion and slavery conwithin its confines ninety-three thousand inhab. anything which has not already been said, and i raction-we of the South naturally, earnestly itants. Now, I ask every man here, on what fig beiter said than I can hope to do it. The second desire the former; the Black Republicans, not so ures, and on what evidence, he can satisfy his is, that I feel-as every lionorable member upon | naturally, but quite as eagerly, desire the latter. mind that there are ninety-three thousand in Kan this floor must feel that nothing which may be Constitutional men of the North admit the right sas? What was the last census?

now adduced in debate can possibly change a sin- 1 of the South to expansion. The lines of batMr. SHERMAN, of Ohio. Twenty-three gle vote. The issue has been made up. The po- tle must be joined on the great issue presented. thousand.

sition of every one of us is fixed and determined. Neither special pleading nor microscopic political Mr. GILMER. How long ago was that? It merely remains to put the decision of this morality, which would ignore the great issue Mr. SHERMAN, of Ohio. Last June. House formally upon record. But though this while it picks out flaws in a comparatively minor

Mr.GILMER. Then where, I appeal to south be so, still, on a great and important public ques one, can conceal the fact which stares us all, which ern men, do you get the requisite ninety-three tion, involving momentous issues to the country stares the whole country in the face, that the presthousand population? But they come forward and at large, and grave as well as nice constitutional ent struggle is to determine the question whether say that the Republicans wanted to have Kan points, it is natural, as well as proper, that the a State whose constitution recognizes slavery as sas admitted under the Topeka constitution, and Representatives of every constituency should de a part of its social organization can ever again be therefore they are estopped. And they also say sire to express their views, and record their con allowed to enter the Confederacy. It is the oppothat at the last Congress our Democratic friends victions.

sition to slavery which lies at ihe bottom of the undertook to pass an enabling act, and therefore The question of the admission of Kansas into opposition to the admission of Kansas. My friend they are estopped. Well, that may apply to the this Confederacy of States is a mixed question from Indiana (Mr. English) shakes his head in Republicans, and may get them out of court. It of expediency and of principle. Were we gov. dissent. But he must allow me to differ from him. may very well apply to our Democratic southern erned simply by considerations of expediency, it I believe the anti-slavery sentiment at home uncon. friends, and turn them out of court. But what might well be doubted whether the condition of sciously influences many members upon this floor, are they going to do with the poor Americans? things in that unhappy Territory—the sparsity who themselves are not opposed to ihe admission We say that the Republicans were mistaken, and and character of her population, the general in- of more slave States into the Confederacy. This, that that was only a movement of intemperate zeal. stability and uncertainty of her internal affairs, sir, is my honest conviction. We want to know what the facts are. I venture the violence, recklessness, and lawlessness which Look at the history of the admission of Calito say that there are not four individuals there to have long prevailed in her borders, to so great fornia, which my friend from Kentucky, (Mr. every single voter. The experience of this coun a degree as to tempt the most casual looker-on STEVENSON,) who preceded me on our side of the try shows that in a Territory where there are but to exclaim, " Here discord reigns supreme!”? House, has so clearly and thoroughly traced out. few females, and few old or very young persons, ought not to induce us, as the Representatives of Why was she so easily admitted, with a constithe voters are in the ratio of not more than one to civilized and dignified States, to turn from her ap- | tution so irregularly formed, so little expressing every three or four. Well, now, take the ten thou plication with disgust, and decline, at least for a the will of the people of that Territory as to be a sand voters, and multiply that figure by three, and season, to receive her into the bosom of the Fed- far greater “ fraud” and “deception" than the you have but thirty thousand of population there. eral family as a sister and an equal. Sir, I do not Opposition can possibly paint the Lecompton conMultiply it by four, and you have but forty thou- hesitate to say that the history of Kansas, since stitution to be Simply and solely because her sand.' Multiply it by five, and you have but fifty its erection into a Territory, has been revolting constitution did not recognize slavery. I know thousand. Multiply it by six-what we all know and humiliating-revolting, because exhibiting that there are northern Democrats, I know that is far beyond the ratio-and you have only got so many scenes of outrage against the civilization there are southern Americans, who vehemently sixty thousand. And yet here are southern gen of the age in which we live; humiliating, because deny that that is the issue now before us. I betlemen-men who want to protect the equality of showing with how much difficulty a people who lieve that there are some of them who consciensouthern representation in Congress--coming for boast of their aptitude for, and experience in, self- || tiously think that it is not. But with all duc ward here in hot haste, and denouncing as an government, can plant a colony on their very deterence, I must say that they are taking a very Abolitionist every man who will not consent to borders inaugurated upon that great principle. narrow view when they make the question turn allow the thirty or forty thousand quarreling peo.

We are prone to think that our race, and par on any smaller pivot.' The mind of the whole ple of Kansas to come in as a State, and to send ticularly our own people, have but to come to country has been long distracted by this slavery here two Jim Lanes and somebody else like them gether into a community,and straightway law and agitation. It has entered into every political ques to vote in the Congress of the United States; and order and political system spring into existence | tion; and it is impossible to disguise the fact that that all for southern interest!

from the masses who are supposed to be famil- it constitutes the very pith and substance of the That, mark you, is advancing the great inter iarized, saturated with them, like perfect crystals contest in which we are engaged. ests of the South! I know there is not a man from the fluid which holds them in solution. The Sir, we have heard much about the " stupenhere who can say that he has evidence that there experiment in Kansas might well inspire a doubt dous frauds" in Kansas. It is the burden of the is a population of ninety-three thousand people in of the truth of the belief which we have so fondly song of the Opposition. From the holy horror the Territory of Kansas. The fact is not so; and cherished, and somewhat shake our faith in what i which has been evinced in speaking of them, we the fact that our southern friends, having the con we have been wont to consider an irrefutable might imagine that such things as frauds at the trol of the special committee, declined to inquire dogma. Greece spread her civilization through her polls were utterly unknown in the existing States into that important point, proves that it is not so. colonies as readily as the gardener multiplies some of the Confederacy; as if Kansas stood solitary

But, Mr. Chairman, permit me to say, in con cherished tree from twigs cut from the parent and alone in this particular in her bad eminenco. clusion, that we are not left in the dark and with stem. It was but to find some spot of soil where It would indeed be a matter of which, as a peoout precedents as to the proper course to be pur the off-shoot might be planted, and lo! ic took root, ple, we might be justly proud were this so. But sued in a difñculty of this kind. Kentucky, after gathered and compelled unto itself its fitting putri- | 1 ask any candid man on this foor if frauds quite several attempts, was admitted into the Union, and ment, and budded and blossomed, and bore fruit, as gross as those alleged to have been committed allowed to frame her constitution subsequently, and in turn became the parent of like children. in Kansas do not habitually take place at every in her own way. So, I believe now that Kansas But in Kansas our cutting of popular government | election in many parts of the country? Have we should be allowed to come into the Union, and has not flourished-it is sickly and wilted. The forgotten the recent election scenes in Baltimore, that she should be allowed to settle this question perfect and shining crystal of constitutional lib- | where, according to the testimony of many of her and frame a constitution for herself. Do this, erty has not been formed. The waters have long own most respectable citizens, hundreds of voters and Kansas will be satisfied, the House will be

seethed and bubbled. Various political alche were practically disfranchised by violence and satisfied, and the whole Union will be satisfied. mists have stirred them with their potent rods in arms?' Were ihere any scenes in Kansus com

vain. The last that moved the pool and dived into parable with them? Yet here we sit quietly, day ADMISSION OF KANSAS.

its depths, retired from it in disgust, covered with by day, with honorable members who, in the

slime, but holding in his triumphant hand a non judgment of large numbers of their constiiuents, SPEECH OF HON. W. P. MILES, descript sediment, which he has been protesting have been forced into this great council of the

ever since is the true salt of popular sovereignty! I States by frauds and outrages, compared with OF SOUTH CAROLINA,

propose, before I get through, to analyze this which the famous matter of the “ Delaware CrossIN THE HOUSE or REPRESENTATIVES,

Walker residuum, and see whether it be indeed ing" must hide its diminished head. How is it March 31, 1858. the true substance wherewith the great rites of in all your large cities? Are there not, at every

How The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the

popular self-government are celebrated on the high election, frauds glaring and innuinerable ? state of the Unionaltar of popular liberty!

many honorable gentlemen upon this floor are But though as a matter of expediency under i there who can say that there never have been elecMr. MILES obtained the floor.

ordinary circumstances and in quiet times, ittion tricks, frauds, and false votes in their own Mr. HOUSTON. I ask my friend from South might well be questioned whether a Territory in districts? I imagine, sir, very few. It may be huCarolina to suspend until the Black Republicans the condition of Kansas was fit to come into our miliating to confess it, but is not such the truth? have finished congratulating the gentleman from Confederacy as an equal and sovereign State, with The buying and selling of votes is, unfortunately, North Carolina, (Mr. Gilmer.).

a right to vote money from the common purse, and too common wherever men are found able to buy Mr. MILES. Mr. Chairman, in rising to speak assist in the great council of senatorial embassa- and willing to sell. However much we may deon the subject of Kansas, I feel embarrassed by dors in shaping and annulling treaties; still, on the plore such a condition of things, however much two difficulties, either of which might well be suf other consideration, namely, of principle, it does we may discountenance and denounce it, it would fcient to deter me from addressing a legislative as seem to me that there are cogent reasons for her seem to be an evil inseparable from universal suf

35TH CONG....1st Sess.

Admission of Kansas--Mr. Miles.

Ho. OF Reps.

frage. Not only so, sir; butinseparable from the tributions from half-crazy women and political ) wish to see or hear of them no more. To a plain, exercise of suffrage, so far as the experience of parsons and fanatical zealots, and insolently en candid, sensible mind, this whole branch of the any government has hitherto shown.

deavor to forestall the Missourian in the occupa- subject lies in a nutshell. The higher law, antiHow is it in England ? The rotten borough sys tion of lands to which he had already set up some slavery, anti-constitutional party in Kansas have tem has, indeed, been swept away by the reform thing of a claim. They come with ihe settled and long set all law at defiance, openly unfurled the bill. The people at large have a far more potential offensively announced purpose of driving back banner of treason and revolution, mocked at the voice in the choice of their legislators (who are southern civilization, and checking the natural authority of the President and of Congress, retheir true rulers) now than in the time of Pitt and and legitimate spread of the wave of southern ex fused to enroll themselves on the registers intendFox and Burke and Sheridan. I will not pause | pansion. Had it not been for this forced influx ed to guard against frauds at the polls, refused to inquire whether they have, in consequence, of a northern anti-slavery population, there can to vote, and still persistently clinging to that offmore able, wise, and philosophical statesmen in be no doubt-that western Missouri would speedily spring of fraud and villainy, the so-called To. their national Parliament. But, sir, what is the and surely have overspread into the eastern por- peka constitution, will listen to no plan of conmodus operandi of many a parliamentary canvass? tion of Kansas, (the only portion of any agricul- ciliation or pacification. They would not hear Is it not notorious that money is freely used; that tural value,) and firmly established, in due pro even the voice of Walker, the charmer, though he in some cases regular contractors have undertaken cess of time, the institutions of the neighboring charmed (as he thought) never so wisely. To all to return honorable members to particular seats and parent State.

legitimate rule, to all duly, constituted authority, in Parliament? Is it not notorious that " to stand Now, sir, was it not natural that the Missou- they cry, “Away with it! Away with it is for the county”—to contest a scat in the county rians should resent this violent attempt to oust They still desire to have “Jim Lane"-the Barequires the outlay of large sums of money; some them from the wished-for Territory? Is it strange

rabbus! times to the amount of ten, twenty, thirty, even that they should take up the glove of defiance, and On the other side, we have a party who recoge fifty thousand pounds ? Are we to be told ihat the meet the invaders who came for the purpose nize the Constitution and the binding obligation frauds in Kansas, then, are so “unparalleled, of overturning their institutions with the same of the laws; who, in strict compliance with law, “stupendous," "unprecedented,” that they shock weapons which they themselves so ostentatiously have formed a constitution (closely copied from the moral sense of freemen all over the civilized paraded? They did so. They met, checked, and the best models of the older States) which they world, and that we must gather the raiment of our foiled them. Forthwith arose shrieks from "bleed hold up in their hands and present as their crenational purity closely around us and not allow our ing Kansas;” which a thousand pulpits, a thou dentials while they knock for admission into the brethren in this new Territory to touch the hem sand abolition presses, have in every tone of the family of States. of our garment, lest we be defiled in the eyes of the gamut, been reëchoing ever since. Then Missouri Between these parties we must decide. Men nations? It has been recently told me, that not long called upon her sister southern States to come to of the South, you cannot hesitate between your ago, at an election held in one of our northern her assistance. She besought them to meet this own people and friends, and their bitter, uncom. cities, justly considered one of the brightest cen practical issue for the strengthening of the institu promising foes. Constitution-loving men of the ters of intelligence and refinement, banners were tion upon which their whole social polity, pros North, who have stanchly stood by the South openly displayed with this inscription, for the perity, and strength are based. She urged them on the firm rock of the Constitution, while the guidance of the popular sovereignty, upon their io send out settlers with their slaves if possible; mad waves of fanaticism have so often raged in folds, “ Vote early and vote often !Is it not phari- | or if the latter could not be spared, still to send out vain at your feet, will you desert us now? l' again saical for us to be affecting such scruples 'about southern men to take legal possession of the dis repeat, that the question of frauds is a minor one; irregularities in a frontier settlement, where the puted Territory, and hold it as a vantage ground one, the testimony concerning which is so conrestraints of law and (what is more powerful than for the South.' 'Unhappily the South did not re tradictory that we have, and can have, no reliable law) public opinion cannot reasonably be sup- spond to these appeals as she should have done, data upon which to come to a conclusion. I con posed to operate as forcibly as in long-settled and and as I believe she would have done had she duly tend that these frauds have certainly not been conmore civilized communities? I hope, sir, I shall realized the importance of the issue involved. She fined to one party; that, moreover, the lawless, not be understood as standing forward as the li ought to have sent out man for man and dollar factious spirit of the Free-Soil party, and their apologizer for, much less the defender of, the for dollar in opposition to those sent out by the open rebellion against all constituted authority, frauds alleged and the abuses complained of. No northern associations. Had she done so, Kansas may be justly considered a fair set-off against the one would go further, I believe, ihan myself, to would have been ours forever, beyond dispute. frauds alleged to have been committed by the other purify the elective franchise, and make the ballot Her climate and soil are quite as well adapted to side; and that the true issue is between the rebelbox, which is the true exponent and only safe. slave labor as those of Missouri, which, in these lious, anti-constitutional Free-Soil party, with the guard of popular liberty, the fair and unmistaka- || particulars, she veryclosely resembles. She would Topeka constitution, and the constitutional party, ble interpreter of the popular will. But I am not have been a wall of defense to this latter State on

with the Lecompton constitution, who have comwilling, with sanctimonious expressions of horror the one hand, and have tended on the other to re plied with all the requirements of law, and who utterly disproportioned to the merits of the case, store the equilibrium of power between the slave have on their side all the sanctions and forms of to decide against my own people-to join issue and free States which is so rapidly being de law. with my own party-in a tremendous contest in- | stroyed.

A great deal has been said, Mr. Chairman, on volving principles, in comparison with which, the But, sir, to return to the consideration of the the subject of popular sovereignty as bearing on casual excesses which may have been committed subject of the “ frauds," and the objection based the question of the obligation of the convention in a wild and border Territory shrink into insig. thereon, that the constitution of Kansas with to have submitted the constitution framed by them nificance. Besides, sir, without either defending, which she applies for admission into the Union is to the popular vote. It has been urged that no or apologizing for such excesses, (supposing them not the expression of the will of her people. I constitution is valid without such submission; to have been committed,) may not something have said, in general terms, that I thought undue and this, in view of the pregnant fact that usage fairly and honestly be said in extenuation of them? stress was laid upon the fact (granting, for the as established in the case of a large number of the

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Much has been said about the “border-ruf sake of argument, that it be a fact) that at some existing States of the Confederacy, is entirely fians;'' the vials of wrath of the Free-Soil presses of the elections there have been tricks, irregular against such an opinion. But it is contended the have been emptied upon their heads; they have ities, and deceptions. When two great parties, acquiescence of the people in such cases has been been arraigned before the bar of public opinion, in an excited contest, are straining every nerve to equivalent to a formalindorsement. In one sense and every effort made to cover ihem with infa defeat each other, it must almost inevitably follow this is true. The acquiescence of a people in any my. Who were the border-ruffians ? Men living that such things will be. They spring from the law marks their approval of it, but its binding in the adjacent slave State of Missouri, who nat innate frailties and passions of human nature. effect is not derived from such acquiescence. !! urally looked upon the virgin soil of Kansas as They are not, as we have seen, confined to law the law be unconstitutional, it can be set aside by in some sort their peculiar heritage; who, so soon less communities, nor exclusively indicative of judicial process in the mode provided by every as it was erected into a Territory, passed into it them. But, in point of fact, so far as the election constitution for testing the validity of legislative with their negroes for the purpose of tilling the frauds in Kansas are concerned, I firmly believe enactments. And this, though it be ever so popsoil and making the earth yield its increase to the that both parties there are equally implicated in ular and acceptable to the people. And so, on the labor of their hands. They did not, perhaps, in

them. If the conscience of General Calhoun, other hand, a law which is not acceptable to the every case, immediately become settlers, but, sep which, like Mohammed's coffin, in traditionary people may be changed by their legal representa arated as they were from their homes merely by story, has so long hung suspended between heaven tives in a legal mode. But, in both cases, the law an intervening river, contented themselves with and earth-between the truth, as he must have

is valid and complete until set aside constitutionmarking out such tracts of land as suited their known it, and his hopes of a seat in the other 'ally, or legally repealed. purposes, with the intent to return, and there set wing of the Capitol-has at length “purged” the If this be true of a legislative enactment, a mere up their household gods. But while thus en return by rejecting the vote of the Delaware creature of the constitution and subject to it, then, gaged in taking actual possession, or preparing Crossing, why, we may ask, has he not purged à priori, the constitution itself—the fundamental, to do so, what do they behold? Band after band the Leavenworth city vote? How comes this vote organic law, which is a law unto itself, supreme of armed emigrants from the distant Atlantic cities in the recent election to be so much larger than of the North--equipped and sent out by abolition on two former occasions, when the contest was

and having nothing higher than itself—must, from

the momeni of its adoption (just as in the case of a emigrant aid societies—are poured into the prom- | fully as keen and spirited ? ised land, with the avowed object of wresting

But, sir, I did not intend and do not intend to

legislative enactment) be absolutely operative and go into the wretched and petty details of the Kan- | imate and constitutional mode—that prescribed

binding until altered or abolished in the only legit

, it from the detested southron and slaveholder. They come-many of them the scum and refuse sas elections. They have been held up before us, of the large cities--with Sharpe's rifles in their by both sides in the course of this debate, and

by itself. If it be not operative from the moment hands, and hatred and defiance in their hearts, i twisted and turned in every imaginable and un

of adoption, when does its operative force com

mence in the cases alluded to, where the people, openly declaring that their intention is forever to imaginable way. We have been treated to them

it is contended, give it its binding force and sanca
exclude the southerner from any share in the new ad nauseam. We have been surfeited with them.
Territory. They come, paid for the job hy con- Il 1, for one, am heartily sick and tired of them, and

tion by their acquiescence? How long are we to
wait for the evidence of this assent? "If this be

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the necessary seal which can alone authenticate it intentions—the desire to do right-of the great Believing, sir, then, as I do, that the constituand stamp it as the organic law, what is its status, mass of the people. If I had not, I would de- tion of Kansas cannot be changed prior to 1864, what its power to give life and consistency to the spair of the experiment of self-government which I have been opposed to any proviso in the bill of body-politic, pending the affix of the broad seal we have instituted upon a scale, and to an ex- admission which might seem to countenance in any of the popular will? Sir, it is either a constitution tent never before attempted. But if we desire | degree the contrary supposition. And although from the moment of its formation, from the first that great experiment to succeed—if we do not it is contended that the proviso which has been day of its birth, or it is waste paper-a still-born wish to run into anarchy and popular despotism, inserted in the Senate bill does not imply such a child, into whose nostrils the popular aura can if we would not become a reproach and warning supposition-expresses in fact no opinion on the never subsequently breathe the breath of life. It

to the nations--let us not flatter the people into subject-and is intended to put on record that Concannot, by any force of imagination, be supposed believing that they can do no wrong, that they can gress refuses to express any opinion, still, to every to be floating in nubibus for some indefinite time, put no bridle upon momentary starts of impulse one of plain judgment it musi be obvious that the until called down to earth and made a real, liv- and passion, and that they can at any time shat- very

best way of avoiding an expression of opinsing thing. I look, sir, upon a convention as the ter the whole fabric of society at a single blow. ion is to say nothing. But we all know very well

only practicable mode in which the sovereignty of No, sir! He is the true friend of the people—the || that the words of the proviso have been inserted a popular, representative government can exert real, constitution-loving, law-abiding people, in with a distinct purpose. The object was to gain and manifest itself. I say the only practicable their sober second thought, will recognize him the votes of northern Democrats by giving them a mode; for, doubtless, were it practicable for the as their friend-who warns them against them- || clause upon which they might hang their own

entire mass of the people to meet together, then selves, points out to them the danger which may conclusions; upon which they might go before tp you would have sovereignty itself which resides in arise from sudden accesses of popular frenzy, and their constituents and say: “It is true we ad

the people. But as it is the very essence of pop- urges them, in their calm moments, to put up vocated the admission of Kansas under the Leular government to act through representation, something securely on the shelf in the inner adyta compton constitution, which instrument, on the so also from absolutely physical necessity sover- of the temple of liberty, against the gloomy day face of it, prohibits any amendment of itself (in eignty, like all other powers, must, for practical when the storms of faction and of anarchy may other words, the abolition of slavery) for a cerpurposes, be delegated and exercised through rep- threaten to ravage the land. But it may be asked, tain specified number of years; but then we have resentatives.

“ Have not the people the right to abolish their taken care to have inserted in the bill of admisTo talk about sovereignty being “indivisible," constitution, to sweep every vestige of it away; sion a proviso which, if it means anything, im"a unit,” &c., is, in my judgment, mere meta- to tear down, if it seems meet to ihem, their en- plies at least a hint to the people of Kansas (one physical jargon. It is pure philosophicalabstrac- tire political fabric, and erect on its ruins any- which they will not be so foolish as to neglect) iion. As a philosophical abstraction, it is true, the most fantastic structure-under which it may that if they desire to change their constitution tosovereignty is an undivided whole, it cannot be please them to live?. Yes, they have this ulti- morrow the assembled wisdom of the country parceled out, or cut into parts; it is the life-giving mate right-the right of revolution; the right to re- considers it an open question which they can depower, spirit, soul, which quickens and informs solve themselves into the primordial elements of cide as they please without let, scruple, or hindihe whole political organization. But it can only || society; and form, without any restrictions, a new erance.” Is not that, sir, the plain history of the be known by its attributes and their exercise, and social compact. But it is a dangerous state of origin of the proviso? And is not the use to be practically can only exhibit itself through agents, transition through which to pass-one loo often made of it that which I have indicated ? just as the life of a man can only exhibit itself by marked by blood and fire. It should be extreme Sir, what are we of the South to say, to our some external manifestations. It is undoubtedly || and dire necessity alone which would tempt them constituents who are weary of compromises and one of the highest prerogatives of sovereignty to to pass to the blue heights beyond-fancy-painted concessions of all kinds; who desire to meet the form and mold the constitution of the govern- too often-through a flood filled with swift whirl- ll question squarely as to whether the South shall ment, and to change and overthrow it at pleasure. || pools and treacherous quicksands. Still there are be allowed to expand, and to bring into the Union But in the exercise of this unquestioned and in- times when it inust be tried—though successfully more slave territory as a necessary increment to alienable right, it can surely impose restrictions only then when cool heads and great hearts lead her waning power? We can only say, sir, that upon itself. If this be not so, then a constitution on, cautiously feeling and sounding the way. the proviso is merely a neutral-tinted phraseis a mere empty nullity—a shifting vapor without Sir, I have been trained in a school that looks words only of surplusage--intended as a sop to substance or reality. A constitution is not simply | upon constitutions as sacred things, not to be ir- | Cerberus, a tub to ihe northern whale. I dislike an enumeration of rights and distribution of pow- | reverently handled or lightly changed, and, I re- | neutral-tinted phrases and soft, unmeaning platers, but a system of checks. It is not the mere peat, I have been surprised at the little respect or itudes. I prefer plain, direct language, which embodimeni of the will and desires of a numerical regard which many gentlemen here seem to enter- “ he who runs may read,” and signposts and majority of the people who meet in convention tain for them. That a constitution, duly formed directions so clear that the “ wayfaring man, through their delegates to frame it. One of its by the chosen delegates of the people, is, so soon though a fool, may not err therein.” I do not highest and most sacred objects must always be as formed, and without submission to a popular | think it ingenuous, to say the least, in making a to protect the minority; to set up barriers for the vote, (especially where no such submission is bargain or agreement, to use words which I underweak against the strong; to guard the majority required by the act calling the convention,) the stand in one sense and the opposite party in itself against its own tyranny and excesses. #supreme law of the land, I firmly believe. That another. The issue presented to the country constitution which does not do this, is unworthy this constitution cannot be amended, save in the should have been the simple, naked question, of a free people. It can never be relied upon to precise form and mode prescribed by itself, I be- “ Shall Kansas be admitted with a constitution secure the blessings of life, liberty, and the pur- lieve as firmly. That the constitution of Kansas, recognizing slavery?With the right of the suit of happiness" which the wise founders of the with which she now applies for admission into this people of Kansas to change or abolish their congreatest written Constitution which the world has

Union, was duly formed by the chosen delegates stitution Congress has nothing to do; and to ever seen, have declared to be inalienable.

of the people, with the strictest observance of the say anything at all on the subject is an interference I have heard, sir, with surprise and amazement, forms of law, has, again and again, been demon- uncalled for and unwarrantáble. I was opposed the light and almost flippant manner in which strated. That it does embody the will of that to the insertion in the Senate bill of any proviso, many honorable gentlemen upon this foor have l portion of the people who were willing to conform and did, in conjunction with other southern Statespoken of changing and annulling constitutions, with the requirements of law and erect themselves rights men, protest against it, and I have reason at any time and upon the least provocation, by a into a State, there can be no doubt. That the only to believe that our protest had some effect in popular vote. Nothing but the fact that the tide portion of it which involved any vexed question | modifying the proviso and making it less objecof party feeling is running so high that its hoarse was, by the convention which formed it, fairly tionable. roar drowns for the time the quiet voice of reason, submitied to the entire body of the people, is But now a caucus of the national Democratic can account for the rash and hasty expressions equally certain. That because any — however members of this House has taken up the subject of opinion to which I allude. Do those who con- large a portion-of the people refuse to take part of still further modifying the proviso, so as to tend so broadly for the right of the people, at any in the formation of the constitution, or refuse to make it more palatable to hesitating northern Demtime, without restriction, to change their funda- vote upon the feature in it which involves the ocrats, and Heaven only knows what they will mental organic law at the instance of every tem- whole question which has so long distracted the make of it! For one, sir, I am becoming sick porary whim or caprice, realize the momentous Territory, that therefore Congress ought not to and disgusted with the whole matter. Since Calconsequences which may flow from such a dogma? | listen to, or treat with, those who have steadily houn, by his last coup of political legerdemain, What safeguard have the rights of property, al- || and legally endeavored to form a State and enter has thrown the Legislature of Kansas into the ways in the hands of the minority, if this doctrine our Confederacy, is an argument as unreasonable hands of the Free-Soilers, I feel, as a southern be true? What is to prevent the masses, inflamed as the spirit which prompts it is factious. That man, comparative indifference to the fate of the by the artful appeals of demagogues, from break- the provision of the constitution which prescribes bill. If Kansas is forth with to become a free ing down the barriers which hedge in property and the vote of the Legislature necessary to call a con- State, and send Free-Soil Senators and a Free-Soil capital and establishing a comm

nmunity of goods- vention for the purpose of amending the constitu- Representative to Congress, what does the South inaugurating agrarianism? Beware, gentlemen of tion subsequent to 1864, does, by necessary and gain by her admission? We are but striving to the North-especially you who live in large cities inevitable implication, prevent a call of a conven- conquer a barren victory; we are contending for where millions are concentrated in the hands of a tion by any vote prior to that period, is too plain a withered crown, whose faded leaves will crumble few, and where a hungry-eyed mob are ever scowl- to admit of cavil. The argument that because the in our grasp. In a more forcible and practical ing at the luxury which tempus while it mocks || provision says that after 1864 a convention can manner, the honorable member from Connecticut, them; beware how you teach the laboring class, only be called in a certain specified mode and by a (Mr. Bishop,] who spoke on our side the other outnumbering your millionaires thousands to one, certain proportional vote, that, therefore, previous day in advocacy of the admission of Kansas, exso dangerous a lesson. What you “teach them to that time it may be called in any mode, and by pressed it, when he said, "the North will get the they may practice, and it shall go hard with you a bare majority, is, with all due deference to those oyster and the South the shell." but they will better your instructions."

who use it, in my judgment a species of special But, sir, the issue has been made, the battle I have faith, sir, in the honest instincts and just pleading little short of puerile.

joined; and though it be on an abstract principle

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