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with what show of fair intention to adhere to the ING TOUNDER, manifest his attention to things of this world." stances under which I inherited them, and the obstacle,
thrown in the way by the laws of the land, have prepented principle of cquality of rights, can you ask to keep l otes on Virginia:
“The sentiments breathed throurh the whole do honor my emancipating them in my lifetime, which it is voll pace with the free States in political power, or in both to the head and the heart of the writer. Mine, on the intention to do, in case I can accomplish it."-Randolpides representation in any department of the Govern subject of the slavery of negroes, have long since been in Will. ment? If you desire to keep a perpetual balance possession of the public, and time has only serred to give
Opinion of Thomas J. Randolph. of power between liberty and slavery, that would
them stronger root. The love of justice and the love of « The gentleman has appealed to the Christian religion in country plead equally the cause of these people, and it is a
instification of slavery. I would ask him upon wbat nart bea denial of equality of popular righis, and would inoral reproach to us that they should have pleaded so long
of those pure doctrines does he rely; to which of those rub. place northern freemen in an interior position to in vain. Nursed and educated in the daily habit of seeing
lime precepts does he advert to sustain his position? Is it southern freemen. If you expect the free States to the degraded condition of those unfortunate beings, but not
that wlich teaches justice, charity, and good will to all, or reflecting that the degradation ivas cery much the work of consent to sucha proposition, you will certainly be
is it that which teaches that you do unto others as you themselres and their fathers, few minds have yet doubted
would they should do unto you?'"-Speech in the l'irrinig disappointed. The demand would be offensive, but that they were aslegitimate subjects of property as their
Legislature. 1 it would be humiliating. The horses or cattle!"
" I had always hoped that the younger generation, receiving their early in
Opinion of Governor Randolph, of Virginia. idea of a balance of power between opposite inpressions after the flame of liberty had been kinudled in every
" We have been far outstripped by Slates to whom nature terests like liberty and slavery, to promote peace
breast, and had become, as it were, the rital spirit of erery has been far less bountiful. It is painful to consider what and quiet, is clearly delusive. It would perpet American, would have sympathized with oppression where. might have been, unler other circumstances, the amount uate the discord which has existed ever since the ever found, and proyed their love of liberty beyond their of general wealth in Virginia." Address to the Legislature slave States entered upon that policy, and it would
oun share of it. Your solitary but welcopre voice is the of Virginia, 1820.
first whiclı has brought this sound to my ear; yet the hour terminate in open hostility. Formerly, you only
Opinion of Mr. Brodnat. of emancipation is advancing in the mirch of time. The asked to be let alone in the States-you demanded enterprise is for the young-for those who can follow it up
“That slavery in Virginia is an evil, it would be more “State rights.” More than this you cannot justly and bear it through to its consummation. It shall hare my
than idle for any buman being to douhl or deny. It is a mil
der which has blighted every region it has touched from the prayers, and these are the only weapons of an old man." expect; less than this, you could not with honor
creation ofthe world. Illustrations from the history of other submit to. Upon that ground you are impreg-Letter to Edward Cole, Esq.
countries, and other times, might be instructive; but we uable; on any other, you will be overthrown.
No one can doubt that Jefferson, in the pre
have evidence nearer at home, in the short bistories of tbe If our opinions on the subject of slavery are
ceding opinions, referred to African slavery, how different States of this great Confederacy, which are imwrong, we answer that your best men have been
pressive in their admonitions and conclusive in their charever anxious men of this day are to controvert
acter."-Speech in the Virginia Legislature, 1832.
Opinion of Mr. Custis.
« The prosperity and aggrandizement of a State is to be with other authorities, that you may the better my oryn purchase! I am drawn along by the generalincon
seen in its increase of inhabitants, and consequent progress understand how inbred the sentimentis, and how venience of living here without them. I WILL NOT, I CAN
in industry and wealth. Oiihe vast tide of emigration which hopeless the effort must be to remove or change NOT JUSTIFY IT. However culpable my conduct, I will so
now rushes like a cataract to the West, not even a trickling it, by any of the means thus far resorted to.
rill winds its way to the ancient dominion. Or the multiIt far pay iny deroir to virtue as to own the excellence and
tude of foreigners who daily seek an asylum and home in rectitude of her precepts, and lament intrant of conformity is, I know, deeply regretted by all in the free to them. I believe a time will come when an opportunity
the empire of liberty, how many turn their steps to the reStates, that this cause of difference and ditliculty will be offered to abolish this lamentable eril. Leius trans
gion of the slave? None. No, not one. There is a maexists to disturb the harmony and happiness of mit to our descendants, together witb our slaves, a pity for Taria in the atmosphere of these regions which the new
comer shuns, as poisonous to his views and habits. See the their unhappy fol, AND OUR ABHORRENCE FOR SLAVERY!" the country; and if any of you really believe that
wide ruin wlicit the avarice of our ancestral Government this excitement and ill feeling is congenial to us-Letter to Robert Pleasants.
has produced in the South, as witnessed in a sparse popu. that we cherish, and desire to continue it-you
Who,of Patrick Henry's descendants, have this fation of ireemen, deserted habitations, and fields without do us great injustice. But to the testimony: inheritance ?
culture. Strange to tell, eren the wolf, driren back long Opinion of James Monroe.
since by the approach of man, now returns, after a lapse of Opinions of Washington. “We have found that this evil (slavery]has preyed upon
a hundred years, to howl over the desolations of slavery." I hope it will not be conceived froin these observations the very ritals of the Union; and has been prejudicial to all
Opinion of Mr. Faulkner. that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the the States in winch it has existed.”_Speech in Virginia "I am gratified to perceive that no gentleman bas yet subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say, that there Convention.
risen in this Hall the avowed advocate of slavery. If there be is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do, to
Opinion of Willian Pinkney.
one who concurs with the gentleman from Brunswick (Mr. see some plan adopted for the abolilion of it; but there is
“Sir, iniquitous, and most dishonorable to Maryland, is
Gbolson in the harmless character of this institution, let the only one proper and efectual method by which it can be that dreary system of partial bondage which her laws have
request him to compare the condition of the slaveholding accomplished, and that is, by the legislative authority; and bitherto supported with a solicitude worthy of a better ob
portion of'this Commonwealth-barren, desolate, and seared this, as far as my sutrage will go, shall not be wanting."'ject, and her citizens by their practice continued.
as it were by the avenging hand of Heaven, with the deLetter to Robert Norris.
* Founded in a disgraceful trajic, its continuance is as
scriptions which we have of this same country from those "The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so SHAMELESS as ils origin.
who first broke its virgin soil. To what is this change asconspicuous on all occasions, that I never wouder at fresh
“ETERNAL INFAMY awaits the abandoned miscreants
cribable ? Alone to the withering and blasting effects of tla proois oiit; but your late purchase of an estate in the col whose selfish souls could ever prompt them to rob unhappy
t'ery. If this does not satisfy him, let me request him to argentina ony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slares, is a Africa other sons, and freight them bizler by thousands, to
extend bis travels to the northern States of this Union, and generous and noble proof of your humanity. Woul to God poison the fair EDEN OF LIBERTY with the rank weed of
beg himn to contrast the happiness and contentment which a like spirit might dilluse itself generaliy into the inind of BOXDAGE!
prevail throughout the country; the busy and cheerful sound RI the people of this country! But I despair of seeing it. Some
" But wherefore should we coufine the edge of censure to
of industry; the rapid and swelling growih of their popula petitions were presented to the Assembly at its last session our ancestors, or those from whom they purchased? Are
tion; the means and institutions of education; their skill for the abolition of slavery: but they could scarcely obtain not we EQUALLY guilty? They strewed around the seeds of
und proficiency in the useful arts; their enterprise and pub. a hearing."-Letter to La Fayelte. slavery; we cherish and sustain the growth. Yes, let it be
lic spirit; the monuments of their manufacturing and com“I never mean, unless some particular circumstance handed down to posterity that the people of Maryland, who
mercial industry, and above all, their devoted allachineal to should compel me to it, to possess another slave by pur could fly to aring with the promptitude of Roman citizens,
the Governent from which they derive their proterddo#; chase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan when the hand of oppression was lifted against themselves:
with the division, discontent, inuiolence, and poverty of the adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished who could behold their country desolated, and the citizens
southern country, by law."-Letter to J. F. Mercer,
slaughtered; who could brave, with unshaken firmness, Such were the opinions of some of the wisest, Opinions of Jefferson. every calamity of war before they would submit to the
purest, and most experienced southern statesmen smallest intringement of their rights--that this very people " And with what execration should the statesman be loadcould vet see thousands of their fellow-crentures, within
and patriots, whose disciples we profess to be, on ed who, permitting one half of the citizens thus to trample the limits of their own territory, bending beneath an unnat the subject of slavery, I had collected, for inseron the rights of the other, transforms these into despois, and ural yoke.
tion here, numerous other extracts, of similar those into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and "For shame, sir: let us throw off the mask; it is a cobthe love of country of the other. For if a slave can have a web one at best, and the world will see through it. It will
tenor, from other southern gentlemen, which time country in this world, it must be any other in preference to
not do thus to talk like philosophers, and act like UNRE and space both seem to forbid. I had also collected that in which he is born to live and labor for another; in
LENTING TYRANTS; to be perpetually sermonizing, roith lib numerous texts from the Bible in support of the which he inust lock up the faculties of his nature, contrib
erty for our text, and actual oppression for our cornientary! free-State sentiment, in reply to quotations that ute, as far as depends on his individual endeavors, to the
Here have emigranis from a land of tyranny found an asylum evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miserable
have been made here to support slavery; but I from persecution; and here, also, have those who come as condition on the endless generations proceeding from him."
rightfully free as the winds of beaven, found an eternal will content myself with simple reference to them. * * * * " And can the liberties of a nation be
grave for the liherties of themselves and their posterity! Leviticus, xxiv., 22. Deuteronomy, xxiii., 10, thought secure when we have removed their only firin basis
"In the name of God, should we not attempt to wipe away || 16. Psalms, ix., 18; X., 2; xii., 5, 6; 1xxii., 4. --a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties
this stigma! Survey the countries, sir, where the hand of are the gift of Gorl; that they are not to be violated but with fredom conducts the plowshare, and compare their prod
Isaiah, iii., 15; v., 20; lviii., 6. Proverbs, iii., 3; his wrath. Indeel, I tremble for my country when I reflect uce with yours; your granaries, in this view, appear like that GOD IS JUST; that his justice cannot SLEEP FOREVER; the storehouse of eminets, though not supplied with equal that, considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, industry. The cause and the effect are too obvious to escape a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of sit observation."-Speech in Maryland House of Delegates.
xvii., 26. Hebrews, xiij., 3. Galatians, v., 14, 13. uation is among possible events; that it may become prob
Ephesians, vi., 9. 1 Timothy, vi., 10. Revela
Opinion of John Randolph. able BY SUPERNATURALINTERFERENCE! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest.
" Dissipation, as well as power or prosperity, hardens the
tions, xiii., 10. heart; but avarice deadens it to every feeling but the thirst
The foregoing statements, opinions, and auWhat an incomprehensible machine is man? Who can
for riches. Avarice alone could have produced the slave endure toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, and even death
thorities, have fully convinced us of the correci. trade. Avarice alone can drive, and does drive, this infernal itseli, in vindication of his own liberty, and the next mo
traffic, and the wretched victims of it, like so many post.
e, this infernal || ness of our ideas as to the character and nou ment be deaf to all those motives whose power supported horses, whipped to death in a mail coach. Ambition has its
| ences of slavery, and of our course in abolishing ham through his trial, and inflict on his fellow man a bondcover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glo.
it. If you have turned a deaf ear to these teachage, one hour of chich is fraught with more misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to oppose? But we must rious war; but where are the trophies of avarice? The ings and warnings of our Washingtons, our Jer
handcuff, the manacle, and blood-stained cowhide!"-Southwait with patience the workings of an overruling Proviern Literary Messenger.
fersons,our Henrys, our Franklips, our Monroes, dence, and hope that that is preparing the deliverance of these, our suilering brethen. When the measure of their “ Virginia is so inpoverished by the system of slavery,
our Pinkneys, our Randolphs, our Clays, our tears shall be full-llas not the Supreme Court, in declar that the tables will sooner or later be turned, and the slaves
Faulkners, and many others who spoke in ko will advertise for runaway masters." ing that these persons have no rights, filled that measure to
manner, and still prefer to remain in your bonds; overflowing?1 when their tears shall have involved heaven "Sir, I neither envy the head nor the heart of that man from the North who rises here to defend slavery upon prin
whilst we have profited by their teachings, and itselt in darkness, (what ray of hope remains to those peociple."--Rebuke of Eduard Ererett in Congress,
present to you continually the living evidence ple, since the ministers of justice have solerenly declared that they have no rights?) doubtless a God of justice will "I give to my slaves their freedom, to which my con
the wisdom of those patriots, we can only rega awaken to their distress, and by difusing light and liberality science tells me they are justly entilled.' It has a long time Il your determination, and hope that ume amon their oppressors, or, at length, by his EXTERMINAT- I been a matter of the deepest regret to me that the circum- ll out a change of opinion. Virginia nada
When the 1 ts ther
at the o non of the
ever BIT A Tas Dot 4. 381
ope that time will work opinion. Virginia had a posi•
tion in advance of any of the States that are free, their opinion to the settlement of a troublesome in the broken and shivered, yet still illustrious, with a better soil and climate, and yet she has question. .
Senator, who, believing that vengeance belongeth greed behind in the march of prosperity. To Your speakers here always characterize slavery to the Lord, who would repay it, has not returned what influence can you attribute your relative as an institution of negro labor and servitude only. I evil for evil! decadence, but to slavery? To our action upon Can you defend its other features, or explain why Much has been said this session about Kansas, that subject we attribute our greater prosperity. the slave States do not endeavor to correct the evils l and many seem to think that in the settlement of It was consistent with the doctrines of our Dec that are connected with it, that wound so deeply that question is centered the destiny not only of laration of Independence. Heaven smiled upon our sympathies ? As “negroes of pure African parties, but of the country. I do not desire to deys, and we have pursued our prosperous way re blood, whose ancestors were brought here and sold tract from the importance of questions connected joicing
as slaves,"are the only persons whom the Supreme with the admission of Kansas, but I do say that Now, with these opinions of the blighting effects Court, in their opinion, have decided to have no that is not the great question before the country, of slavery upon the material prosperity of any rights that white men are bound to respect, pray nor can its settlement, in the manner recommended State or Territory which maintains it, and espe. I tell us where you find authority to say that cer. Il by the Administration, possibly produce that peace cially in a climate where free white labor seeks 1 tain females, who are advertised as having blue to the country which all patriots so devoutly pray employment, and our conviction of its moral and eyes, light, straight hair, and fair complexions, for. Nay, sir, it would not only fail to produce social wrong, can you expect us to approve of have no rights that white men are bound to re peace, but it certainly would be a sword drawn its extension-nay, to aid such extension, by our spect? Or, if you admit that such persons have against peace. votes and action? Can an evil be extended into rights, what are they, and why do not your Chris This whole Kansas question is one of a serice our Territories, and the majority not be morally || tian societies and your laws protect them? Can of acts all tending to the same end, and which, responsible for action or inaction? If you believe you jusufy the practice of treating such persons when taken as a whole, are of sufficient magnitude us sincere in our opposition to slavery, then can as you would an African of pure blood ? Have to engage the attention of Congress and the couliyou respect us if we do not on all proper occa you made any efforts, or expressed any desire to try, not for a few wecks only, but for months, and gions, maintain that opposition? Change places regard their rights as superior to the rights of per years even if thereby we can come to a just conwith us, and would you be more tolerant than we | sons of pure African blood ?
clusion, and an amicable adjustment of difficulties. have been? If you believed of slavery, as we do, You have told us often in debate-and the same Step by step the country has been, for many that it blights the land that is touched by it; that declaration is commonly used in defense of sla years, approaching the present point of acknowlit retards development and civilization; that it is very-that slavery is a boon to the negro, and edged danger, and each one (as in this instance) au evil and a wrong; then would you consent to that our sympathies are entirely misdirected. In
that our sympathies are entirely migdirected. In | has been urged upon us as the one that would its extension where you had the constitutional 1 answering this, we ask you to explain to us why, bring to us our long-lost but ardently desired pubpower to prevent it?
then, you grant a slave his freedom as a reward | lic quict. Thus far, however, each step taken in 'With regard to slavery in the States, we have for extraordinary services? Is this the way that that hope, instead of producing the promised no difñcully; and the slave-States need entertain you testify your gratitude? If you believed that quiet, has only served as an apology for the next, no fears of any free-State interference. There slavery was a boon to the African, would you still less satisfactory, demand. Whatever might never was any danger of any such intervention. take it from him under pretense of granting him have been the result of the longer continuance of The citizens of the free-States, with few and un a favor? Pretending to testify your gratitude, the Missouri compromise, we know not; but this important exceptions, can find in the Constitution would you give these unfortunate persons a scor we do know, that the present Kansas controversy, sufficient authority to relieve them from any re pion instead of a fish! nay, would you give them with its long and aggravating story of frauds and sponsibility for slavery in the States. We regret a scorpion in exchange for a fish? How often do wrongs, has grown out of the act repealing that the infatuation with which you cling to the incu we read of slaveholders, in making their last will compromise. It had been kept for more than a bus that prevents your advancement, because we and testament, when the vanities of time and the third of a century, and its only remaining effect, desire your highest prosperity; but we have no realities of eternity are presented to them, grant-! in favor of the free States, was confined to the desire to intermeddle with your prerogatives. ing freedom to their slaves, with expressions of Kansas and Nebraska Territories. If let alone,
But, in the Territories, the case is, in our opin regret that they had ever held themThis is a in a very few years its influence in their favor ion, entirely different. The Territories being the strange commentary upon the sincerity of such would have ceased by its own limitation, and just common property of the States, must necessarily as hold that slavery is a boon. If slavehold the same practical result would have followed in be under the rightful control of Congress, unless ers believed that slavery was really a boon, they Kansas and Nebraska, as all now concede, must the power is delegated by it to some other au would devote their property--if they desired to follow the triumph of the popular will in those thority. It is known of all men that such was the testify their interest in the welfare of the negro Territories. This result was foreseen and accommon opinion of all sections and parties until to bringing them from Africa to be blessed with I knowledged by southern statesmen who sup. very recently, and that the Government long prac servitude! Has any charitable southron done this? || ported that measure. tied upon it with the concurrence of all the de This suggests another defense of African slavery, . What then, thus far, has been the fruit of that partments, and without any protest from any State urged mainly by professing Christians: that it is l act which was to settle all controversy in Congress in the Union. We are loyal to the Constitution as i one of God's appointed means of Christianizing about slavery? Nothing but a wider and wilder we understand it; and we certainly do understand the heathen. This appears very plausible; but, alienation of feeling between the two sections of it as it was understood and practiced upon by I desire to inquire, how many Christian genera the country, growing out of the new feature inail the early Presidents and statesmen, including tions of an individual heathen ought to be held in volving the right of the people to govern themminy who participated in making the Constitu bondage to compensate for Christianizing their selves, which has been developed in the Kansas tion. The contradictory opinions of statesmen, ancestor?
struggle; leaving slavery in the Territory just and of the Supreme Court, are all of late date, and A few years ago your public men, your Chris where it would have been had the Missouri combare an unquestionable partisan (if not sectional) tiaps, and your press, spoke of this institution as promise remained in force. We have found out, origin and character. That they may be consid an evil, for the introduction of which you were to be sure, how, when the Congress commits to ered just and correct by the South, which desired not responsible, and which you desired to remove, the people of the Territories the right to govern them beforehand, I can well imagine; but at the as soon as some judicious and practicable method themselves, the Executive can use the Army and same time they carry no conviction to the free of doing so could be suggested, and matured. the judiciary, in addition to his other powers, to
But now you defend it as the core of your heart, oppress and subjugate them. We have found out If the opinion of the court had preceded the po the apple of your eye, the very foundation, (in that, when Congress abdicates its power in behalf litical necessity which seemed to demand it, and your own expressive language, the “ mud-sill***) of the people, a faithless President can' seize it had been given upon a case requiring that point to of your political and social existence! But whilst with the grasp of a despot, and wield it with the
Decided, instead of being volunteered, (just at to you this institution has of late become the ob- || heart of a tyrant. We have weighed the strength, aume when party necessity required it, then the lject of so much solicitude, the theme of so much and measured the will and the power, of the confree States, if they could not have concurred in moral, religious, and patriotic devotion; experi- || tending interests. We have learned that the comdhe opinion, might have respected the court. This ence, which we regard as the best of teachers, has i promise was useless to us; you have found its reis one of the very worst features of the whole ques
been impressing more and more indelibly upon peal to be ashes to you. tion, because when the court ceases to be respected
our mind, the wisdom of the early patriots in But this measure was alleged to be necessary to by the people, it is thenceforth powerless for good
their efforts to limit and circumscribe it; and also secure perfect tranquillity, and complete the circle as well as for evil. To aid a political party, they
U the propriety and justice of the following impres of compromises of 1850, which, it was then dishave thrown their official reputation into the party
sive language of the immortal Jefferson, whose covered, were quite incompatible with the old one scales, where it has not the weight of a feather, teachings, as a lamp to our path, have always of 1820. Its repeal was to secure perfect peace, and thereby lost the confidence and respect of a
served to guide republicans in the way of politi and “ save the Union"--objects of great importlarge proportion of the people. cal duty:
ance then-which the compromise measures of Plausible and satisfactory as that opinion of the il " There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the | 1850 had not quite accomplished. Now, no one Court is to you, can you reasonably expect us, manners of our people, produced by the existence of slavery
| here can have forgotten that the compromises of under the circumstances, to regard it with favor, among us. The whole cominerce between the master and
1850 were also inaugurated and passed to “ save or treat it with respect?
slave in a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous pusIt is opposed to long sions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and I the Union,” restore peace to the country, and established ideas, which the same court, with
degrading submission on the other. OUR CHILDREN SEE put forever at rest the slavery agitation; great I other departments of the Government, have THIS, AND LEARN TO IMITATE IT. The man must be a prod
measures which the annexation of Texas, and the practiced upon ever since our national existence. igy, who can retain his MANNERS AND MORALS UNDEPRAVED
acquisition of Mexican territory, had unexpectby such circumstances."- Notes on Virginia. 1 le opinion was not concurred in by the whole
edly failed to complete. Court; and, as it was not called for by the case Sir, what a commentary upon the institution
This brings us to a very interesting inquiry of slavery is furnished in the above extract; and presented, it is certainly obnoxious to the suspic
about the object of the annexation of Texas. "The Clon that the judges forgot their judicial dignity what a painful proof of its correctness is furnished
agitation which grew out of questions connected and duty in a desire to contribute the weight of
* Senator HAMMOND's specch on Ennsas. ll with the admission of Missouri in 1820 had sub
Ho. of REPs.
35TH CONG....1st Sess.
Admission of Kansas—Mr. Hoard.
sided. The compromise line of 360 30' as the line A balance of power appears to have been a ruling could vote for or against Governor until he voted north of which slavery should not exist, estab- idea with the 'slave States for the last fifteen or in favor of polygamy: would you call that a fait lished by the South against the North, (I speak | twenty years,
election of Governor? How, then, can you call of the sections as a whole,) settled the question The foregoing facts settle, beyond any question, it a fair submission, even of the question of slas of slavery in all the territory then owned by the the following propositions: that the agitation about very, in Kansas? Government. There was trítling agitation on the slavery in the States could not have seriously dis- } As far back as 1844, when it was determined general subject of slavery, and some impatience turbed the quiet of the country; that no agitation that the Democratic party should be transformed was felt by religious societies at the tardiness of could have grown out of that question in the Ter- into a pro-slavery agency, the national conven. their southern brethren in urging upon their peo ritories then belonging to the Government, be- ; tion of that party adopted an anti-republican rule ple the sinful nature of the institution. But this cause it was all provided for by laws that were ' of party government, giving to the minority the was always confined to a few persons in the free il then regarded as permanent; that no such con- control of the nomination of candidates for Presi. States, known there as Abolitionists, and never troversy could have existed without the acquisi- || dent and Vice President. Without the establish. having political power sufficient to disturb the tion of new territory; and that the South, and ment of such minority rules, Mr. Van Buren, most sensitive southern nerves. All parties in the not the North, desired the annexation of Texas, whose friends numbered a respectable majority free States were then, as they are now, and have and the acquisition of Mexican territory. The in that convention, would have been nominated, at all times been, the firm and consistent advo South, in carrying out the policy avowed by Mr. and the Texas scheme for the aggrandizement of cates of the political right of the States in which Calhoun for promoting southern interests, has the slave power, would have failed. From that slavery exists, to continue or abolish it as and I brought this contest upon the country, and she time to this, the tendency of that party to secwhen they please.
must bear the responsibility and abide the con- ; tionalism has been constant; its strength in the Without the acquisition, then, of new territo sequences.
slave States steadily increasing; and its decadence ries, or the abrogation of the ordinance of 1787 or Having thus traced back this sectional agitation
in the free States equally steady and uniform. the compromise of 1820, it must be apparent that which now “ crops out" in Kansas to its origin
There is another bit of history connected with. no aliment for slavery excitement existed, except in the acquisition of territory by southern action
this Texas question which I must mention in pass. that of a moral nature, which exists in all the to strengthen and aggrandize the slave power, and ing. I find, in Benton's Thirty Years' View, vol.
· States, as well as in the free States, and having shown the foundation, extent, and sincer 2, p. 584, the following: which we have no political power to restrain. 1 ity of the anti-slavery sentiment of the free States, 66 Mr. Gilmer then explained to his friend the purpose for Now, who sought the annexation of Texas, I come to speak of the misapprehension, or mis.
which this letter bad been written and sent to General Jackand for what purpose was it desired? This was
son, and the use that was intended to be made of his answer, representation, by the South of the true ground
(if favorable to the design of the authors.) which useiras the beginning of ihe present agitation, which has of difficulty between the two sections. Slavery, this: it was to be produced in the nominating convention increased in volunie and bitterness from that time although it is connected with the controversy, is to overthrow Mr. Van Buren and give Mr. Calbouo the till this. That was the first act of the series, with not really the cause of our present difficulty. The
nomination, both of whoni were to be interrogated before. out which there could have been no sectional ex
band; and it was well known what the answer would be contest is now fully shown to be broader, deeper,
Calhoun for, and Van Buren against, IMMMEDIATE ANNES citement, because the slavery question was sel and infinitely higher than the abstract question of ATION and Jackson's answer coinciding with Calhoun's, tled in all the Territories by laws which were negro slavery. The entire discussion during this would turn the scale in his favor. and blow l'an Buren sky. regarded as irrepealable by all parties. session of Congress on the part of the South, so
high.'' I shall be able to show that Texas was annexed far as I have listened or read, has been pred Mr. Van Buren, sure enough, was blown "skyfor the purpose, and with the avowed intention on icated upon the idea that the only opposition to high;' but Mr. Calhoun got no higher than Secthe part of Mr. Calhoun, who was then Secretary the Kansas policy of the Administration was based retary of State. of State, of strengthening and aggrandizing the upon enmity to ihe institution of slavery. Noth It was supposed, nearly up to the time for the slave States. And the act of annexation was done ing could be more fallacious, Can the South be assembling of the Democratic national convention in a manner calculated to produce a war with so infatuated as to believe that Governor Wise, for 1844, that Martin Van Buren would be the Mexico, which it was known must result in the Governor Walker, Secretary Stanton, Senators Democratic nominee againsi Mr. Clay, who was acquisition of more territory.
Bell, Crittenden, and Douglas, and twenty or to be, and was, the opposing candidate. Both of I extract the following from the official corre thirty Representatives in the House, who, but a these gentlemen were interrogated upon the quesspondence between Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of few days since, were acting with the Democracy tion of the annexalion of Texas, and both stood State for the United States, and the British Min --can they really believe that all these, and scores upon the ground that General Jackson bad preister, Mr. Crampton, as germane to this subject of thousands of Democrats who cast their votes viously occupied in relation to the same question, -(Senate Ex. Doc., 1843-44, vol. 5, No. 341, for Mr. Buchanan at the last election, have sud namely, that it would be unjust toward Mexico pages 50–51:)
denly become the enemies of the Democratic party to annex a portion of territory which she claimed, Mr. Calhoun's Letler, Aprit 18, 1844.
on account of its support of slavery? I tell you (war then existed between Texas and Mexico) "It is with still deeper concern the President Mr. Tyler nay, sir. But the oppositicid to that party has grown without her consent. regards the avowal of Lord Aberdeen, of the desire of Great
out of the COURSE which it has resorted to, and the Under General Jackson's administration it was Britain to get slavery abolished in Texas, and, as he infers, is endeavoring, through her diplomacy, to accomplish it, by
MEANS which it has put in requisition to carry the good Democracy to keep national faith with a sis. making the abolition of slavery one of the conditions on country from its high position as a liberty-loving ter Republic. But when Texas was to be acquired which Mexico should acknowledge her independence." * and liberty-defending Republic, as established by for the purpose before stated, presto! Democracy # "Under this conviction, it is felt to be the
our revolutionary fathers, to a PRO-SLAVERY OLIimperious duty of the Federal Government, the comnion
consists in the disregard of national faith, and representative and protector of the States of the Union, to
GARCHY! Since this last excitement commenced, demands annexation, in spite of Mexico, and adopt, in self-defense, the most effectual ineasures to defeat an organized, disciplined, and politic minority has with war into the bargain. What constituted irieri it." *
* “The geograpbical position of undertaken to wrest the government from the pos Democracy in Gerjeral Jackson was, therefore, Texas would expose the weakest, and most vulnerable por
session of the MAJORITY, for the purpose of eletion of our frontier to inroads, and place in the power of
heresy in Mr. Van Buren, and caused his defeat Great Britain the inost efficient means of effecting in the
vating a sectional institution which is at war with as presidential candidate. The " tack" was 80 Gres neighboring States of the Union what she avows to be her the rights, the dignity, and the material interests sudden, too, sir, that even one who had been desire to do in all countries where slavery exists." * of that MAJORITY. Here, sir, lies the grave error. Commander-in-Chief could not change front quick * “ Acting in obedience to this obligation, on which
The path of minorities to power is always bois enough to save himself. our Federal system of Government rests, the President di. recis me to inform you that a treaty has been concluded be
terous, and beset with dangers. The commotion In these days we have just a parallel case. The tween the United States and Texas, for the annexation of attending the progress of events, in such transfer Senator from 'Illinois, but yesterday, was at the the latter to the former, 13 a part of its territory, which will
of power, will be fierce, and the danger imminent, head of the Democracy, as the author of popular be submitted without delay to the Senate for its approval.
when the rights of a free, intelligent, and chivala This step has been taken as the most effectual, if not the only
sovereignty. To-day, for holding the same doe. MEANS OF GUARDING AGAINST THE THREATENED DANGER,
rous people are thus attacked. Since this ex trine, the Democracy cry out-"Crucify him." and securing their per inanent peace and welfare."
citement commenced, this minority has been goy " CRUCIFY HIM!" Letter from same to saine, dated April 27, 1844, page 66. erning the majority in this country by political Mr. Jefferson taught that Democracy was a ? Estado do “It was not possible for the President to hear withi indiril STRATEGY.
principle by which all political measures should then ference, the avowal of a policy so hostile in its character, Luig this startlino truth, breaking on the nich
u sets and dangerous in its tendency to the domestic institutions of
be tried and judged. But modern Democracy sels I lic mind, that is alarming, arousing, and uniling the || up executive measures, as the test of pomu $0 incy of the States of this Union, and to the safety and prosperity of the whole, people for the reassertion of POPULAR RIGHTS! And
hdelity, and requires principles to be held in re"The measure the annexation of Texas] was adopted neither party, nor patronage, nor courts, nor techni
spectful abeyance. No familiarity with Demowith the muual consent, and for the mutual and perinanent
calities, nor stratagems, will dirert or deter thein from welfare of the two countries interested. It was inade neces
cratic principles can guide aright, nor any fidelity their high purpose, sary, in order to preserve doinestic institutions placed uniter
to them keep any one in the way of modern party the guarantee of their respective constitutions, and deemed
With the facts before us, we cannot imagine
duty. essential to their safety and prosperity."
why it is that the South are constantly charging A great majority of the electors in the free States is proude In this connexion, I will also read an extract the North as the authors of the excitement, when
are interested in the rights of labor. They are from the Mobile Mercantile Advertiser of about the free States have resisted the measures upon
Republicans--yes, Democrats-in habitand sell1836, (date is not given, but the extract was pub which the contest is based. You habitually charge
ment, intelligent, honest, but confiding almost to lished in the East in 1837:) the free States with bad faith; but the charge al
a fault. The grave political wrongs which have pro «The South wishes to have. Texas admitted into the ways rests upon some speciality or technicality, like brought the present perils upon the country could Union for two reasons: first, to equalize the South with the
their refusal to vote in Kansas. "All that are in North; and, secondly, as a convenient and safe place calfavor of Brigham Young for Governor, and will
not have been done in any party name less te cujated, from its peculiarly good soil and salubrious climate,
spected than the Democracy. It was a "." for a slave population. Interest and political safety both support polygamy, will say, ay. All that are op- !! honored,” almost a sacred name. Beelze alike prompt the action, and enforce the argument. The
poscd 10 Brigham Young, and will support polyg- ll in his own hateful name, it is said, but South contends that preservation and justice to themselves amy, will say, no.” Suppose the people of Utah !
Wri call for that aid to be tendered to them which would be given had the right to elect their Governor, and should lihe welfare and happiness of mankid.
gel of light, practices continually his plan Against by the acquisition of Texas. They are not safe without it; THEY ARE NOT BALANCED WITII THE FREE STATES." U present the question as above, so that no one casc, faithless pretenders, in the name o
st of political S
e end com
4. Me Ten presente
for all p
e of Democ
35th Cong....1st Sess.
Admission of Kansas-Mr. Stevenson.
Ho. of Reps.
racy, have crucified Democracy ! Under no other | | most instructive. I have not had the opportunity sundries-things that it is not easy to name,) in name could the people have been so enthralled, to examine the items which constitute either ac- | four years, than all the Presidents down to 1846. and their rights so betrayed.
count, but presume they are the same class as have || In a single year of his term he spent for miscellanies The true Democratic party listened to the peti always been placed to these same accounts. almost twice as much as Mr. Van Buren spent tions of the people, and protected their rights; but Table of e.rpenditures, excluding "Foreign Inter.
during his whole term. this false Democracy has only leaden ears for course," "Pensions,”“Indian Depurtment,” and
Since the transfer of the Democracy in 1844 to their petitions, and calls the attempt to assert
Mr. Calhoun's sectional minority policy, which their rights rebellion, and crushes them out with
is only thirteen years, the miscellaneous expenses Miscella
have exceeded the amount charged to the same economical of the people's money; but this false
Date. Population. Aggregate. Civil list.
account from 1789 up to that date, by the enorDemocracy is profligate, beyond example; and
mous sum of $48,000,000. Yes, sir, during the depends for success upon sectional favor, and the 1800.... 5.303,925 6.951.919 748.688 193.636 | last thirteen years our miscellaneous expenses
7,239,814 4,958,345 corrupting power of its enormous patronage. The | 1810....
which, in the days of republican economy, were 18:20.... 9.654,596 9.557,034 1,948.310 1,090,341 true Democracy was content with the constitus! i, 18:26....' 11.546.355 10,529,557 1.256,745 1.110.713
comparatively unimportant, certainly not alarmtional distribution of governmental powers; but 1 183).... 12.666,020 10,919,905 1.579.724 1,363.624 ing—have amounted, in the aggregate, to the startthis false Democracy seeks to concentrate all such
14,354,332 13,815,615 2,080,601 2.082,565 | ling sum of more than ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENpowers in the chief Executive. The true Democ
2,357,035 2.932.428 18.10....
TEEN MILLION DOLLARS! whilst, for the whole
18,521,284 2.736,769 2,575,351 racy held that official fidelity consisted in a faith
fifty-five previous years, down to the close of 1844, ful and honest discharge of the duties of office; 1814-45.
2.369.652 2,839,470 the aggregate was less than sixty-five millions. but this false Democracy demands craven submis 1813-16.
2,532232 3,769,758 This exhibits modern Democratic economy! The sion to the will of the Executive. The true De
advance in profligacy would be expected to keep 1877-18.
2,617,802 2.535,455 mocracy held that the Representative should obey
pace with the advance towards sectionalism. and the will of his constituents; but this false Democ 1819-50.
3,027,454 7,027,450 the decadence of Democracy; and just so is the racy calls it heresy if he disregards the Executive | 18.30-5l. 23,191,876 31,694,486 3,481,019 8,146,577 fact. behest. The true Democracy inculcated the high
3,439,923 9,857.9:26 Under Mr. Polk's administration, at the incep1872-53.
4,265,861 12,246,335 duty of representative fidelity; but this false De
tion of which sectionalism was inaugurated, the mocracy, with filthy bribes seeks the itching | 1851-55.
6,350.875 16.738,412 miscellaneous expenses in four years were a fracpalm, and attacks with fierce denunciations, every : 185.5-56.
6.452.236 15.250,475 tion over thirteen millions. Under Mr. Fillmore's, independent spirit. 1856–57. 28,406,974 | 58,368,582 7,611,547 | 18,9-46.189
(which, though classed politically as Whig, was Fidelity to ihe interests of the people is a just It cannot require argument to prove that the
fully committed to the ruling southern policy,) rule by which to test public officers of every grade, de, 1, ordinary expenses of Government ought not to
these expenses reached, in four years, more than and I propose to examine the policy of the late increase as rapidly as population. But there is
thirty-seren millions! And under Mr. Pierce's Administration by that rule. another consideration that should be borne in
Democratic (?) four years, they swelled to the Washington, in his Farewell Address, says: mind, viz: that the increase in the expenses for
monstrous sum of oveR SIXTY-FOUR MILLIONS ! "I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in "civil list" and " miscellaneous" should advance
As popular support began to be with held, the the State, witb particular reference to the tounding of them at a uniform rate, or nearly so; and it is impossi
public money must be used to maintain waning upon geographical discriminations. "This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na
power. Mr. Polk's first year's expenses were beble to imagine how, with an honest and economture, having its root in the strongest passions of the bumani ical administration of Government, the rate of in
iween three and four millions; Mr. Fillmore's first mind. It exists under ditlerent shapes in all Governments; crease could vary much. These items are not af
year between seven and eight millions; and Mr. but in those of the popular form, is seen in its greatest rank11085, and is truly their WORST ENEMY. fected by war or peace, and therefore with a pru
Pierce's first year between thirteen and fourteen
millions! Mr. Fillmore's last year was five inil" The alternate domination of one faction over another, dent management of public business, must keep sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissen steadily along. But what are the facts in the case?
lions grcater than his first; and Mr. Pierce's last sions, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated The increase of population averages about thirty
year was more than five millions greater than his the most horrid enormitics, is itself a frightful DESPOrism. BCT THIS LEADS AT LENGTH TO A MORE FORMAL AND PER
first. Would to God that I could now inform you three per cent. in ten years. Now, from 1837 to MANENT DESPOTISM."
the amount of Mr. Buchanan's last year, but "time * * * * *
1847, whilst our population increased thirty-three
* "It serves always to distract the public councils, and en percent., our expenses for“ miscellaneous" items
forbids.” fiedle the public administration. It agitates the community increased forty per cent. From 1847 to 1857, the
It will be observed, if the table is examined, with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms. There is an opinion that pirties in free countries are useful checks upon
that, down to 1840, the expenses for “ Army," increase of population was, as before, thirty-three the administration of the Government, and serve to keep per cent.; but mark, the increase in miscellaneous
“ Navy," "civil list,"and miscellaneous,"avalive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits, is expenses was more than four hundred and seventy
eraged about one dollar for each inhabitant. It probably true; and in governments of a inonarchical cast, five per cent.!
was a trifle more in 1840; but, for the year 1847, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of a popular charac
The miscellaneous expenses for the single year
the expenses were $21,000,000 more than the pop
ulation, being just about double what the previous ier, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged." * "A lire not to be two million dollars, the same expenses during
average had been. And in 1857, the last year of quenched, it demands a uniform rigilance to prevent its burstGeneral Jackson's two terms, making eight years.
Democratic economy, the expenses for the same ing into a flame, lest, instead of warming, IT SHOULD CON
accounts had swelled to tlie alarming sum of SUE."
The expenditures for this item of miscellaneous "It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a during Pierce's four years were $64,646,556. This,
$58,000,000! or $30,000,000 more than the popufree country should inspire caution in those intrusted with it must be remembered, is exclusive of Army and
lation ! its administration to confine themselves within their respectNavy, and the civil list. This, too, is the account
I have neither time nor inclination to pursue Tre CONSTITUTIONAL spheres, avoidin, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. to which the money is charged that is used for
the details of this painful evidence of political deThe spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the power carrying elections and paying off party favorites.
generacy and corruption further. of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever Is it strange, when we calculate this enormous ex
I believe that the Pierce-Buchanan Administrathe form of government, A REAL DESPOTISM." penditure, that the Democratic party is so power
tions have no parallel in the history of this counThe policy of the present and preceding Ad. fuland self-sustaining? Will not $64,000,000 spent
try, in the boldness with which they have atministrations, from 1844, more than any previous in four years furnish a cement strong enough to
tempted to strike down the rights of the people. oncs, of whatever shade of political opinion, has hold such a patriotic and national party together?
The press has been muzzled by the public money been in conflict with the above advice of Wash- Is any one astonished, after knowing the amount
and official patronage. Public officers have been ington; and at this present time we experience of money expended, at the boldness with which
turned out, not because they did not support the the bitter consequences in rancorous party preju that party asserts its ability to hold the powers
Administration, but because they would not be dice, under the blind influence of which men ap of Government. This $64,500,000 spent by Pierce
active and efficient party tools. T'he purity of the pear to mistake their party for their country. in four years was necessary to pass the Kansas
ballot-box has been corrupted by the usc of public Committed to the purposes of the minority, and Nebraska bill, and to carry the election of Mr.
money; offices have been distributed with the view regardless of popular interests, the modern De Buchanan.
of carrying executive measures through Congress, mnocracy has become, beyond comparison, ex-" To get some idea of its magnitude, imagine that thereby corrupting the representative system; and travagant and corrupt in the use of the publicit exceeds the whole amount spent for “ miscel
to finish the aggravating picture, the Executive money. laneous" account by the Government in forty
is now using the whole power of the Government
under the false pretense of restoring peace to the le true Democracy can always be found by the cight years, namely, from 1792 to 1840. It will be standard of economy. It has always been one of | remembered that in 1826 there was great excite
country, to complete, in one of the Territories of its important characteristics, and in former days ment about the profligacy of Mr. Adams's admin
the Union, the SUBJUGATION of American citizens ! was one of its proudest boasts. I have taken the istration, and afterwards a good deal about Mr. pains to colleci some statistics of expenditures, Van Buren's administration. But the forty-cight
ADMISSION OF KANSAS. which, when presented to the public, will I think ycars above named include all the Administrations go far to enlighten the people us to the true char
SPEECH OF HON.J.W.STEVENSON, acter of this professed Democracy. his inaugural:
OF KENTUCKY, The annexed table exhibits the expenses of the “In the adıninistration of domestic affairs you expect a
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Government, for all purposes exclusive of public devoted integrity to the public service, and an observance debt, foreign intercourse, pensions, and Indian of rigid economy in all departments, so marked as never
March 31, 1858. justly to be questioned. If this reasonable expectation be not department, for the several years therein stated,
The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the realized, I frankly confess that one of your leading hopes is and also the population at several periods. The doomed to disappointinent, and that my efforts in a very im
state of the Unionaccounts, “civil list" and " miscellaneous," in portant particular must result in a HUMILIATING FAILURE." Mr. STEVENSON said: clude sums expended for political purposes, and And then for commentary on that text spent more Mr. CHAIRMAN:Icongratulate you and the countherefore an examination of thosc tables will bell money under the head of miscellaneous, (that is, II try that this bitter, protracted, and exciting strug
gle, which has occupied so much of our time, to l' ating the necessity of a submission of the consti an cnabling act is unnecessary, it could be fur. the almost entire exclusion of other important tution, or any part thereof, to the people, unless nished in the opinion of Mr. Justice McLean, of public business, is about to terminate. Before the the convention deemed proper to do so.
the Supreme Court of the United States, who lin setting of to-morrow's sun, this great question, An election for delegates took place. The con the case of Scott vs. Johnson, 5 Howard, 3:0) momentous in its results of weal or woe, will have vention met and adopted a constitution. The con says: been decided.
vention submitted to the people of the Territory “ Michigan was an organized Territory of the United In advocating the immediate admission of Kan- / the question of slavery or no slavery, and on the States. Its Governors, judges, and all other territorial offi. sas under the Lecompton constitution, I shall 21st December, 1857, this vote resulted as follows:
cers were in the discharge of their various functions. The
sovereignty of the Union extended to it. Under these cir. speak with the frankness and freedom which the constitution with slavery, six thousand two hun
cumstances, the people of Michigan assembled by debemates subject deserves. I hope to do so, however, with dred and twenty-six;constitution without slavery, in convention, and adopted a constitution, and under it entire respect to the opponents of this measure on ! five hundred and sixty-nine. Since the assem elected ineinbers of both branches of their Legislature. Gorthe other side of this Hall, and especially with-bling of Congress a vote has been taken for mem
cruor, judges, and organized the State governinent. No se
rious objection need he inade, in my judgment, to the assem. out reflection upon the motives of those Demo-bers of the State organization ordained by this con
blage of the people in convention to form a constitution, cratic Representatives who have deemed them- | stitution, and these officers were elected by the although it is the more regular and customary mode to pro selves constrained to separate on this measure || largest vote ever cast in the Territory. It is true ceed under the sanction of an act of Congress." from four fifths of their political brethren on this that Governor Stanton convened the Territorial
It is a notable fact, too, and I commend it to Legislature which met after the convention, and
the attention of the Republicans, who have heaped It will be my purpose to show that the imme that this Legislature attempted to usurp the power
such opprobrium upon a majority of the Supreme diate admission of Kansas under the Lecompton of directing a vote on the constitution, upon the
Court for their opinion in the Dred Scoti casc, constitution, is demanded, not less by a strict ob- 1 4th of January, 1858, the day on which the State
(where the entire court held that they had juris. servance of the true principles of representative elections under the State constitution had been
diction,) that, in the case of Scott rs. Johnson, government, than by a sacred regard io that equal- ; held. It is also true that a large vote was cast
the entire court, sare Mr. Justice McLean, held ity and sovereignty of the States, which consti against the constitution on the 4th of January, as
they had no jurisdiction, yet he, notwithstanding, cute the strongest bond of our Union. ordered by the Territorial Legislature of Kansas,
delivered his opinion on the merits without the What, Mr. Chairman, are the facts of this ap- li and which it will hereafter be attempted to be
slightest suspicion from any quarter upon his spotplication? In 1850, when for the sake of peace, shown was clearly null and void.
less escutcheon as a judge or a man. The case furit was proposed to extend the Missouri line, as Kansas now presents her constitution, and is
ther shows that an act of incorporation passed by adopted in 1820 and applied to the Louisiana pur || knocking at our doors for admission into this holy
the Legislature of Michigan before its admission chase, to the territory which had then been but sisterhood of States ! In the earlier, and I was going
into the Union was held valid by the court of last recently acquired from Mexico, it was indignantly to say, better days of the Republic, an admission
resort in that State. It is urged, however, as & refused by the anti-slavery Representatives of the that the constitution of K
valid objection against the Lecompton consen. North, and their united votes stand recorded and that the Territory contained the requisite pop
tion, that a large number of counties were unrep. against the proposition. The nascent spirit of: ulation would be all that would have been required
resented in consequence of the want of a registry; abolitionism was then too strong and potent to be to have added another Slate to our confederated
and, therefore, that the convention was not a fair hemmed in by any geographical line, and from the Union. When we behold the strife and discord
representative of the popular will. It has been sectional agitation which ensued, it was apparent, that this application has produced, after the de
abundantly shown that these counties contained that the Missouri compromise line could not bevelopment and growth of our free and noble insti
but a small population, and many of them scarcely extended. The fires of sectional discord waxed | tutions, planted more than eighty years ago by
a solitary vote. Some of them were attached io so warm as to threaten destruction to the Union. | our patriot sires on this continent, and who wrote
adjacent counties for civil and military purposes. The stormy debate which then ensued, and the their pledges for their mainienance in revolution
I have already referred to the provisions of the gloom which hung like a dark pall over the whole | ary blood, and sealed them with their lives, it alcountry, will always be regarded as a prominent
law making just provision for a full, free, and fair | most sickens the heart to think crisis in the history of this Republic. The com
expression of opinion in the convention. Why
" That centuries should reap promise measures closed that fearful struggle,
No mellower harvest."
were not its provisions carried out? Why a failand in lieu of the extension of a geographical live, I propose briefly to answer some of the objec
ure to register in these unrepresented counties? there was substituted the more harmonious princi- tions made against the passage of this bill. What
Let Governor Stanton give the reply: ple that the question of slavery was to be with | are they? It is claimed that an enabling act was “It is not my purpose to reply to your statement of facts; drawn from Congress, and the people of the Ter- | necessary before the people of a Territory can
I cannot do so from any personal knowledge enabling me
cither to admit or deny them. I may say, however, I have ritories lest free to regulate their domestic insti. || form a State government with a view to admis heard statements quite as iluthentic as your own, and in tutions in their own way. Whatever may have sion in the Union. This was one of the strong some instances froin members of your own party, (Repubbeen the opinion and action of leading men in points made by the distinguished Senator from
licans,) to the effect that your political friends have very
generally, indeed almost universally, refused to participate particular localities, the settlement of this sec Illinois, in his celebrated speech on the 9th De
in the pending proceedings for registering the names of the tional controversy by the compromises of 1850 was cember. In support of his position, he cited the
legal voters. In some instances they have given fictitious generally acquiesced in and approved by the con- : admission of Arkansas, and the arguments of maines, and in numerous others they refused to give any servative and patriotic men of all parties through | Mr. Buchanan and other distinguished gentlemen names at all. You cannot deny that your party have hereout the length and breadth of ourland. In 1854, of that day, in favor of the necessity of enabling
tofore resolved not to take part in the registration, and it
appears to me that, without indulging ungenerous suspl. the Kansas-Nebraska act was passed; and acting | acts. Whatever conservative men of all parties
cions of the integrity of officers, yon niighit well attribute on the principle of non-intervention which marked might have at one period thought of the regularity any errors and omissions of the sheriffs to tlie existence of the compromises of 1850, this Missouri line was of enabling acts as a prerequisite for admission, it this well known and controlling fact." declared inoperative and void, non-intervention is too late in the day now to insist upon their ne It is here apparent that faction prevented the was again reaffirmed, and the Congress of the cessity. Against the arguments of northern and registry, and ihat the people who were not rep; United States declared
southern men, in former times, in favor of these | resented did not desire and would not have voted « The true intent and meaning of that act not to legislate
enabling acts as a sine qua non to admission, we in the choice of representatives to this convention, slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there. point to the precedents and past history of the if the registry had been complete. Mr. Chairman, frolli, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form Government. A large majority of the new States if there had been any portion of the people of that and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way.” have come in without enabling acts. The settled Territory who had felt themselves disfranchised
A territorial government was formed, and very practice of the Government has been against their --who found themselves deprived of the right of shortly after its organization a Territorial Legis necessity, and the honest opinion of distinguished suffrage--can it be conceived that they would not lature was elected. In July, 1855, this Legisla men has been forced to yield to precedent. The have sought a corrective of such abuses at the ture submitted to the people of Kansas the ques distinguished Senator from Illinois, himself, disre hands of the convention? Where are their peti. tion of whether they would call a convention to garded the want of an enabling act in the admis tions setting out these grievances, and detailing frame a State government, preparatory to admis sion of several of the free States, in which the South these wrongs? Where is the remonstrance of a sion into the Union. The election was held, and was compelled to acquiesce. The authority of the solitary county, that they had been denied a voice by almost a unanimous vote the people decided in Territorial Legislature to call this convention was in that convention? Where is the demand for the favor of a convention. In pursuance of this vote acquiesced in by Governor Walker, Secretary correction of the apportionment made by Gora the Territorial Legislature, on the 19th February, Stanton, and the people of the Territory them ernor Stanton, with a full knowledge that there 1857, passed their convention act. This was just selves; ay, sir, by no one more fully ihan by had been no registry in the counties enumerated and fair in all its provisions. It was passed by the distinguished Illinois Senator himself, in his Where is the complaint from a solitary being in legal authority, and was the result of the popular Springfield speech, delivered but a short period be that ill-fated Territory that the convention was vote demanding its passage. It provided for the fore the Kansas convention assembled! I under- || illegally assembled, and asking the returns to be clection of delegates, the taking of the census, and stand, however, that the Senator from Illinois has | scrutinized ? The convention was alone auth registry of voters. It afforded equal opportuni now abandoned most of the positions of his speech
ized to judge of the returns and qualifications of 118 tics to all in the election of delegaies. Ii allowed delivered upon the 9th December, and ibat he an members. It had the power to apply the correca month for the correction of registry returns, and nounces himself as " ready to waive all irregu. tive; and, in the absence of any appeal 10 115 11° denounced heavy penalties against fraudulent and larity and vote for admission, if he was satisfied che Lecompton constitution was the act and deed
terposition, we are justified in believing that do illegal voting, and protected the elective franchise
portion of the people felt theniselves aggrieved or by the strongest provisions. It is proper here to of the people of Kansas, and embodied their will.” desired to vote for representatives. It will scarcely mention, that this act of the Territorial Legisla Such I understood to be his position, as stated by ll be argued that this small body of recusant la ture was vetoed by Governor Geary, because it him in reply to an inquiry by the distinguished | tionisis, by refusing to be registered, and did not provide for a submission of the constitu Senator from South Carolina, during the debate venting, through force, a proper execut tion to the people. The Legislature passcd it by in the other wing of the Capitol, but a few days | registry law, could stop a popular moven
wowthires vote over his head, utterly repudi-l succ. If any other authority were wanted that || ing for its obicct the establishment ol & piange