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If there was no legal election, they were not bound ever met, face to face, in an American manner, at change which the mass of the people will demand by it. If there was no law requiring them to at the common hallot-box? Was it not the first time if we now refuse to listen to their protest, then. tend, staying at home was their duty. They were that they had stood in any other attitude, except in my judgment, the shortest remedy is the best only not participating in an usurpation. The that of hostility, with arms in their hands and Free government is a farce if men are required foundation for a presumption of the assent of those hatred in their hearts? And are we to be told by | to submit to usurpation such as has here bechse who staid at home, is, that the law required the President that the way to pacify them is, to petrated, and I fear the people of Kansas are not in them to be at the polls. The good old law of Vir subject them permanently to the hateful domina a mood to assist at the farce. They will turn it into ginia, as my honorable friend in my eye will re tion of the handful of men from whose hands they tragedy. Having heretofore resisted, we oughts member, made it a punishable offense to stay away would have wrested the government-as the Pre suppose they will resist again. We ought to set froni an election; and though there may be no law sident tells us--but for the United States troops; wisely and carefully; and if we have discretion punishing it, yet it is a violation of law, and of | that the whole sanctity and authority of a State now, we will not drive this people upon revon. ihe duty of the citizen, to stay away from an elec government shall remove them from all the power tionary courses. Give them a mode of relief, and tion. It is the duty of the citizen to cast his vote; of Congress to redress their grievances; that they allow them to follow that peaceful course which and if the citizen does not cast it, he is held to au shall be admitted as a State, and thereby be de they are inclined to follow, according to all te. thorize those who do; but that cannot be where livered over to the legal authorities under the con ports from that Territory. Give them the oppor the proceeding has no legal validity—that pre stitution which they protest against, which Con tunity of expressing their will as to the law ur det sumption cannot arise where it is merely a vol. gress cannot repeal, and will be bound to enforce which they are to live; and having expressed their untary collection of a portion of the people of the if resisted? for, if the State be admitted, Congress will-whether it be for slavery or against slavere. Territory to signify their willingness to admit a has then no discretion but to follow the legal line || is, in my judgment, absolutely immaterial-allow certain form of constitution without their having of authority, and to put down everything else as | them to come in at a proper time, with a proper any authority to bind anybody else. I suppose, rebellion. But has not the President learned population, and with reasonable boundaries and then, that in that point of view, the whole argu enough from the experience of the last three years rich dower, as one of the sister States of the le. ment upon the other side is in ruins. All their to make him pause ere he pushed the country upon public. barriers of laws and certificates, presumptions this dangerous experiment; or is he madly bent against fact, and acquiescences extorted from pro on a party triumph at the risk of civil war, forced
ADMISSION OF KANSAS. tests and denials, are swept away. on people of Anglo-Saxon blood, as the only al
SPEECH OF HON. JAMES B. CLAY. We are at liberty to see that only two thousand ternative to a tame surrender of their right of selfsix hundred and seventy people voted on calling government?
OF KENTUCKY, a convention; that only two thousand two hun The President's policy is high treason against
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, dred people elected the convention; that the cen- | the right of the people to govern themselves. His
March 30, 1858. sus shows only nine thousand two hundred and I apology for his conduct is insulting to the victims fifty-one voters, and twenty-four thousand seven of his usurpation.
The House being in the Committee of the Whole of the hundred and eighty people in the Territory which Is it true that the dividing line is between those
state of the Union has transformed itself into a State. And if who are loyal to this territorial government and Mr. CLAY said: they who hitherto insisted on confining its to legal those who endeavored to destroy it by force and Mr. CHAIRMAN: I have repeatedly, sir, sought returns and certificates now suggest the imper- | usurpation. Then the latter have been no parties to obtain the floor to make known some of LT fections of the census and registry, I agree we to the proceedings for a convention, yet are to be opinions; but, until now, have never been so far. may go further and see that there may be twelve subject to the constitution.
tunate as to succeed, because, I presume, of the thousand voters, and from thirty-seven thousand Is it true that the territorial government would fact that I would not go to the Speaker's charaa to forty-two thousand people in the Territory; long since have been subverted had it not been ask my name to be placed on the list there beste but of them not three thousand voters modestly protected from their assaults by the troops of the having determined that if I could not get the im ask the powers of a State government against the United States? Then the stronger part of the from this, my seat, as a Representative in Con votes of ten thousand, and the protest of seven people is against the proceeding for i constitu gress, I would confine myself to my duty of eating thousand. Nay, sir, emancipated from every
is to the weal
the President upon all questions of importance. And DOE, SI trammel, we are at liberty and bound to go further proposes to confide the powers of State govern- having been recognized, I am ill, quite ill, as and to inquire whether there has been in this ment over the stronger. Is not this to deliver the have been for some days; and this fact must be Territory such fierce collisions, such hostile pas. State into the hands of its enemies? or will the my excuse and my apology for doing that whe, sions, so much of rebellion against their regular rebels submit when the United States withdraw under ordinary circumstances, I disapprove, read. government, such an absolute division of the peo their troops? or are they to guaranty the new ing the greater part of the remarks I shall other; ple with reference to their government, so much usurpation?
but to-morrow is the last day allowed to this de of civil bloodshed, so much of military control, Is it true that Secretary Stanton was obliged to bate, and I must say now what I wish to say, or such an absence of the ordinary political virtues, summon the Legislature as the only means where not at all. of calmness, of consideration, of deliberation, as by the election of the 21st December could be con I have desired, sir, at some time during the the President describes; whether an overwhelm ducted without collision and bloodshed? Then, ! pendency of the question of the admission or reing majority of the people are opposed to the why was Mr. Stanton dismissed for summoning i admission of Kansas as a State into the thea, thing that is now sought to be forced or foisted them? Was it in furtherance of the same policy | under the constitution made at Lecompton, lo eitt upon them and devoted to another form of govern which then refused the people an opportunity to public expression of some of my views upon ment. It relieves us from the fear of encounter speak, and now that they have spoken, refuse to | subject from my proper place in this House. I ing the dangers intimated and vaguely hinted at hear them? Or if that election could not be con- 1 is so late, sir, in the debate that the subject seems by gentlemen upon the other side in the event of ducted without collision and bloodshed, because indeed, almost to be exhausted; the minds er our venturing to do our duty. It leaves us free the people were subjected to an authority they members are made up, and I can hope to actorto determine whether, under all these circum- ! defied, is it the purpose of the President to insure plish nothing beyond placing myself upon the pas siances, it is not a fair case for legislative discre- , the collision and bloodshed Stanton avoided, by ord, whilst there is some doubt as to the ultima tion to pause and ask the people again what they ! forcing on them a government which they have fate of the measure. Tonly desire to do this is say, upon "a sober, second thought," about it protested and remonstrated against, and are ready my friends at home, and the country generant to see whether the people are likely to submit or to defy and destroy? Is that the readiest mcthod || may know precisely how I stand upon ibe likely to resist--whether any such great good is of settling the Kansas question ?
tion; and it will be my purpose to expressive to be accomplished by now forcing this constitu Isit the truth, that up to the present moment the with that frankness and freedom which I tak tion upon them, that inevitable civil war will be enemies of the enabling government adhere to their endeavored always to observe during my sk* compensated by it.
Topeka revolutionary constitution? Then they are l political career. We are told by the President that this is the , not likely to receive ihe Lecompton constitution. In the first place, sir, I wish to make a perman shortest way to settle the agitation. Mr. Chair- | Is the reason the people refused to vote for del- ll explanation, which, perhaps, I ought to her man, I confess myself astonished at such an opin-"egates to the convention, that they have ever re made at the time, but which I have cons:det: ion from a gentleman who has seen so much of 1 fused to sanction or recognize any other consti would be more apropos when I should haserthur public service, bas so long filled distinguished po- tution than that of Topeka? Then surely they occasion to address the House. In the early us sitions, and also knows, or ought to know, so are not among those who sanction the Lecompton of the session I had the honor to call upon .. much of human nature. Why, what has been the constitution. It is not by their will it is put over President, with other gentlemen, for the purpose difficulty in that unfortunate Territory? Was it not them. It was not from acquiescence they refrained of giving him information as to the siate (i la that their Territorial Legislature was usurped?!! from voting. Their silence is their dissent; the Democratic party upon the Kansas ques! Is not that the reason that, from the foundation of || President tells us so. He says they would have which, in my opinion, was at the time importar the Territory to last October, the people refused voted against it had it been submitted. Surely, Of this I made no secret; and yet, in newspaper 10 recognize any authority under the laws ema-' then, silence is as instructive as their voice. of my own country and elsewhere, I was on! nating from thai Legislature? Have they not been Sir, in my judgment, the passage of this law is misrepresented, as having gone to tender ads! quicted only by the carnest efforts and warm ap- | a declaration of civil war. The history of the last and remonstrance to the Chief Magistrate.! peals, backed by the military power, of Governor | three years in Kansas leaves no doubt that the went to the President for no such purpose. etc Walker? Were they not quieted alone by the as- | people will not submit to this constitution. It vice or remonstrance on my part to him 1082 surance, which he gave them, that they should cannot legally be changed before 1864. I think it have been a sort of interrention which mysis have an opportunity of expressing their opinion a fair case for disregarding the form of law, and of propriety would have forbidden. Heures on the law which was to govern them? Did they the substance of law. If the constitutional au stood me well, or ought to have done so, as (!! not join in the October election because they had thorities should concur in the change, peace may those who knew the facts. My sole desire confidence in his assurances? Was it not for the be preserved. I trust they will concur, and that to preserve harmony and good feeling in a pilt first time that the pcople of that Territory had ! peace will be preserved. But if they do resist the with which I was acting.
35TH CONG....1st Sess.
Admission of Kansas-Mr. Clay.
Ho. OF REPS.
Mr. Chairman, we have now before us all the light timation by the men who had made it. It was hallowed in! admit slavery. The bill was finally passed. The commit.
| my apprehension by the beneficial consequences that re tees of conference of the two Houses recommended the de. unon the Kansas question that we can expect to
sulted from it. It was bailed at the time it was ipade by tachment of the two bills, and the passage of the Missouri have. A committee of investigation of this House
the South. It produced good, and nothing but good, from bill with the clause or 36° 30' in it. So it passed. So it was early appointed. Majority and minority have that liine. Often have you, sir, (addressing Mr. ToomB:,] went to Missouri. So, for a moment, it quieted the country. made their reports, if not to the House, at least and I, and all of the old Whig party, triumphed in that act | But the clause of 36° 30%, I repeat, you will find, sir, if you
as one of the great achievements of our leader, Henry Clay, will take the trouble to look into the Journals, was, upon they are before the country. The whole subject
It was from that, among other things, that he derived the three or four different occasions, offered. Mr. Thomas, has been elaborately discussed in both Houses of
proudest of all his titles-that of the pacificator and peace acting in every instance, presented the proposition of 36° Congress, and there is not a single fact bearing in maker of his country. We ascribed to him a great instru 30'; and it was finally agreed to. But I take occasion to say, the remotest degree upon it, not even the determ mentality in the passage of that law, and over and over that among those who agreed to that line were a majority
again have I clauned credit and honor for him for this act. of southern members. My friend from Alabama, in the ination of Mr. Calhoun in respect to the State
This, for thirty years, had been my steadfast opinion. I Senate, Mr. King, Mr. Pinckney, from Maryland, and a officers of Kansas, which is not well known.
have been growing, perhaps, during that time, a little older, majority of the southern Senators in this body, voted in favor It is impossible to disguise the fact, sir, however and am a little less susceptible of new impressions and of the line of 36° 30'; and a majority of the southern meni
novel opinions. I cannot lay aside the idea that the law bers in the other House, at the head of whom was Mr. Law. much gentlemen may protest against it, that at the
which made that line of division was a constitutional one. rence himself, voted also for that line. I have no doubt that bottom of all the difficulties about Kansas, lies
I believed so then. All people believed it. I must be per I did also; but, as I was Speaker of the House, and as the that same question that has so often put the Union mitted to remain that opinion stiil; to go on, at any rate, to Journal does not show which way the Speaker votes, except in peril: I mean the question of negro slavery. And my end with the hope that I have not been praising, and in cases of a tie, I am not able to tell, with certainty, how it does seem to me, sir, that if we could only bring bave not been claiming credit for others for violating the I actually did vote ; but I have no earthly doubt that I voted,
in cominon with any other southern friends, for the adoption ourselves to be actuated by the same spirit of lofty Constitution of their country.”
of the line of 36° 30'." patriotism that inspired ihe best nien of all par Sir, this statement of Mr. Crittenden is of a ties in those momentous periods of 1820, 1832, and piece with all those misrepresentations or miscon
Mark this language, sir: | ceptions of Mr. Clay which I encountered in the
« The committee of conference of the two Houses recom1850, we should find but little difficulty in our way. ||
mended the detachment of the two bills, and the passage of I am perfectly aware, sir, that many gentlemen Ashland district, and upon which I was so often
the Missouri bill with the clause of 36° 30 in it. So it assert that the question of slavery has nothing to in the newspapers of the party charged with be passed. So it went to Missouri. So, for a moment, it quieted do with their opposition to the admission of Kan- || ing an apostate son. Mr. Clay never was the the country.” sas; and I am free to admit that I believe some of
author ofthe miscalled Missouri compromise, the Sir, I cannot conceive how a gentleman of the the northern Democrats in opposition honestly | line of 360 30'. He expressly repudiated its au
great reputation of the honorable Senator from think it has not. I believe, sir, that they only de. thorship. He regarded it as a measure only of Kentucky can so soon have forgotten an historiceive and delude themselves, and that they wil find temporary relief, and as wholly inadequate, in cal fact, can so completely have overlooked the it impossible to convince the country that such is 1850, to form the basis of the compromise of that solemn protest of Mr. Clay, made at so recent and not the fact. Everywhere in Keniucky, during day. Yet many good men of the North who so momentous a period as 1850. Sir, I have grent the contests of 1856 and 1857, whilst those with were his friends, upon the mistaken idea that he respect for the distinguished Senator; I have the whom I acted asserted that the Democratic party was its author, arrayed themselves, after the fall kindest feelings towards him. So far as I am conwas a national party; that its members North as of the Whig party, in opposition to the Demo cerned, requiescat in pace. well as South were true to the Union and to the cratic party, which had abrogated that line of 360 Mr. Chairman, whilst I believe the question of guarantees of the Constitution, especially upon the 30' by the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill.
slavery is the true matter of difficulty, and only real question of slavery, we were met by the response
Hear, sir, what Mr. Clay himself said in refer ground of opposition to the admission of Kansas, that the whole North was abolition in sentiment, ence to that matter, in 1850, in one of the last, at least on the part of Republicans and those Demand that we were only deceived by our northern and perhaps the greatest speech of his life: ocrats in opposition, I do not mean to discuss it. friends, honest though we might be ourselves; “Sir, while I was engaged in anxious consideration upon Far too much has already been said. I have reand that at the first presentation of the question,
this subject, the idea of the Missouri compromise, as it has gretted and deplored the extreme speeches that they would desert us. How will we return to our been termed, came under my review, was considered by me
have been made on either side, calculated only to and finally rejected, as in my judgment less worthy of the constituents should Kansas be refused admission? common acceptance of both parties of this Union than the
widen the breach between the two sections of the They will say to us, that up to the meeting of project which I offer to your consideration.
country, and still further to endanger the existCongress; from the time immigration, actual or
“Mr. President, before I enter into a particular examina
ence of that Union, which in my opinion depends tion, however, of that Missouri compromise, I beg to be alforced, first began to flow into Kansas, the queslowed to correct a great error, not inerely in the Senate, but
now, only, upon the justice and patriotism of the tion of slavery, and that alone, was the prominent, throughout the whole country, in respect to iny agency in
North. On this subject I array myself, sir, under absorbing, and agitating question. They will say regard to the Missouri compromise, or rather the line of the banner of my old friend from Oregon, (Gen. that the northern Democrats took their position 36° 30', established by the agency of Congress. I do not
eral Lane,) and by the side of my young friend know whether anything has excited more surprise in my against admission before many of the matters mind as to the rapidity with which important bistorical trans
from Connecticut, (Mr. Bishop.] which have since afforded pretexts had any exist actions are obliterated and pass out of memory, than has
Sir, whilst I will not discuss this slavery quesence; before the elections of December and Jan the knowledge of the fact that I was everywhere considered tion, I will briefly notice some of the objections uary, pronounced, and perhaps justly, as full of the author of the line of 36° 30', which was established upon
made to the admission of Kansas. Whatever the occasion of the admission of Missouri into the Union. fraud; before the conduct of Calhoun was known.
“It would take up too much time to go over the whole of
may have been said in the earlier part of this disNo matter what questions of submissions or of that important era in the public affairs of this country. I cussion about enabling acts and the necessity of enabling acts have since been raised, all, all, they shall not attempt it; although I have ample materials before submitting a constitution formed by a convention, will say, have been but pretexts by which genme, derived from a careful and particularexamination of the
for the ratification of the people, no one now beJournals of both Ilouses. I will not occupy your time by tlemen have sought to disguise from themselves going into any detailed account of the whole transaction;
lieves that either the one or ihe other is a necesand from others the bare, naked truth, that their but I will content myself with stating that, so far from my sary prerequisite to the admission of a new Slate. opposition to the Lecompton constitution is be having presented as a proposition the line of 36° 30', upon It appears to me that the only proper inquiries
the occasion of considering whether Missouri ought to be cause of the slavery clause. Scornfully they will
for Congress upon a new State applying for adadmitted into the Union or not, it did not originate in the point to the aspect of parties in this House. They Ilouse of which I was a member. It originated in this body.
mission into the Union of States, are: Whether will show how the Republican party presents Those who will cast their recollection back-and I am sure it has sufficient population; whether its proitself in solid, unbroken phalanx, not a member the honorable Senator from Missouri, (Mr. BENTON,) more posed constitution be republican in form; and of it hesitating or wavering for an instant; all, who
correctly, perhaps, than anybody else- must bring to recol-
whether its proposed constitution be the act and answer the question frankly, declaring they will osition was made to admit Missouri-or rather to permit her
will of the people proposing to be governed by never vote for the admission of a slave State. to hold a convention and forin a constitution, as preliminary it, expressed in lawful manner. So far as ConTurning to the Democratic opposition, they will to deciding whether she should be admitted into this Union,
gress is concerned, these are the only requisites. the bili tailed by a disagreeinent between the two Houses; show that not a man comes from south of Mason the House of Representatives insisting upon, and the Senate
Applied to Kansas, the first two of them are adand Dixon's line. They will see some few southdissenting from, the provision contained in the ordinance of
mitied on all hands. No one has questioned that ern members, it is possible, untrue to the consti 1787; the House insisting upon the interdiction of slavery, | she has a susficient population; and although gentutional rights of the South; but they are not of and the Senate rejecting the proposition for the interdiction
tlemen have asserted that the clause restricting of slavery. The bill failed. It did not pass that session of the Democratic party; they are of that party so Congress.
amendments of the constitution after 1864 is signally defeated in my own State, some of whose “At the next session it was renewed; and, at the time of anti-republican, no one can seriously maintain it. members openly asserted, in 1856, that they would its renewal, Maine was knocking at our door, also, to be It may be wrong, but it is not anii-republican. prefer the success of Frémont to that of Mr. Buchadmitted into the Union. In the House there was a major
If it be, the Constilution of the United States ity for a restriction of the admission of slavery ; in the Senanan; and who, upon the news of every Abolition ate a majority was opposed to any such restriction. In the
itself is anti-republican; because that instrument, victory over the Democrats, threw up their hats Senate, therefore, in order to carry Missouri through, a bill in its fifth article, provides that no amendment and shouted for joy; who, by their sullen opposi or provision for her admission, or rather authorizing her to made prior to 1808 shall, in any manner, affect tion to the Democratic party, to say the least, laid determine the question of her admission, was coupled with
the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section the bill for the adinission of Maine. They were connected themselves open to the charge of suffering Mr. together, and the Senate said to the House, ' you want the
of the first article;" a provision in principle just Banks to be elected Speaker of this House
bill for the admission of Maine passed; you shall not have as anti-republican as the clause in the Kansas Sir, whilst in this connection, I cannot fail to it, unless you take along with it the bill for the admission of constitution. Neither is so. Whether it were notice some passages of the very remarkable
Missouri also.' There was a majority--not a very large one,
wise in the people of Kansas to insert that clause speech of the old and distinguished Senator from coupling them together. Well, the bill went through all the
in their constitution, is not for me to determine. my State, [Mr. CRITTENDEN.] Filial, if not pub usual stages of disagreement, and of committees of confer. As a member of Congress, I have nothing whatlic duty requires that I should do so. I refer to ence ; for there were two committees of conference upon
ever to do with it. It is their business to settle the occasion before the inatter was finally decided. It was that part of the honorable Senator's speech against
their organic law in their own way, provided it finally settled to disconnect the two bills; to admit Maine the admission of Kansas in which he alludes to
separately, without any connection with Missouri, and to be republican. They have chosen to do so, and the compromise line of 36° 30', in the language insert in the Missouri bill a clause-- which was inserted in it is my opinion that we cannot interfere with it, which I read, as the creation of Mr. Clay: the Senate of the United States-a clause which was pro
unless we wish to assume for Congress power posed by Mr. Thopias, of Illinois, in the Senate, restrict"That compromise was a bond and assurance of peace. ing the admission of slavery north of 36° 30', and leaving
directly in conflict with the doctrine of "non-inI would not have disturbed it. It was hallowed in my es- ll the question open south of 36° 30', cithcr to admit or not to ll tervention.” I have, however, no objection to
351h Cong....1st Sess.
Admission of Kansas—Mr. Clay.
Ho. OF REPs.
the Senate bill, which, in this respect, neither finest agricultural portions of America; -where, l! Mr. CLAY. Mr. Chairman, if I may be allowed gives nor takes away any right of the people of ; indeed, in the language of the poet,
permission, I would reply, for a moment or two, Kansas.
** All save the spirit of man is divine.”
to the remarks of the gentleman from Ohio. i The only question, then, of all those made in
did not come into this House to-day, sir, for the | Tell me that they will be fools enough to proceed the first instance is, whether the constitution pre
purpose of bringing here the speeches of the gen. i to a fratricidal war amongst themselves, about the sented to us is the act and will of the people of
tleman from whom I am proud to have descended. i miserable question of slavery, when they have, in Kansas, lawfully expressed. The distinguished
The sole purpose with which I alluded to his name "; fact, no slaves amongst them, and when they know Senator from Illinois, the master spirit of the Ope :
was to correct a misstalement, or misrepresenta. i they have the power to make Kansas a free State position, without whom it could not have stood
tion, or misconstruction, whichever it may have when they will. I do not believe one word of it. for an hour, has admitted, over and over again, I have lived amongst and known frontier people
been, of the honorable Senator from my own that this was the only question of importance. ! half the days
State, in reference to the so-called Missouri com• ! half the days of my manhood, and I know them Upon this point, sir, what evidence shall we, as
promise line of 560 30'. The position, sir, of Mr. Siwell enough to believe that if you admit Kansas members of Congress, receive? Prima facie, the
Clay upon the question of negro slavery is well at once as a State, instead of bedewing the green Lecompton constitution is the will of the people
Il known, and I have no doubt tat the gentleman he people sod of the prairie with kindred blood, they will of Kansas. There is nothing in the instrument
from Ohio has correctly quoted his language. But trument drive out the bad and vicious men from amongst itself furnishing the least proof to the contrary. I them by the force of moral sentiment: and the li
I will tell you what you will find in the speech In its provisions, it is similar to most of the new
delivered by him upon the compromise measures country, under the genial influence of the plow, i constitutions of the other States. The proof is
of 1850. You will find that in place of that line rather ban the sword. will be made to bloom like clear, and beyond all doubt, that the people of
of 36° 30', which he himself believed was no a garden. If we have doubts about mere technithe Territory proceeded, in the usual mode, to !
i longer operative for the purpose for which it was o cal abstract questions, in our desire to accomplish! call a convention; its delegates were chosen by a
designed, he gave us another compromise, and ',' this great good, let us not forget that we should I fair vote of the people, who chose to vote at all, Alle : give the benefit of those doubts to the welfare of
that was the very doctrine of non-intervention by for the express purpose of framing a constitution;
"Congress upon ihe subject of slavery. He, sir,
the country; and that greater men than any of us they proceeded regularly in the performance of
! in his speech in 1850, said also, as I am willing have, in other days of this Republic, comprotheir duty, and did frame the constitution under
: 10 admit, that, by his own act, he never would mised, conceded-ay, even yielded, something which, and which alone, Kansas now demands
place slavery where slavery was not; but at the of principle, for the good of the country and the adınission as a State. So careful were they to do
saine time, and in the same speech, he said that safety of the Union. nothing which the reasonable and fair men of the
if a new State were to present herself at the door
These, sir, I believe to be the sentiments en- ; Territory could object to, that they did whal, in tertained by the great mass of the people whoml
of Congress, asking admission into the Union of my judgment, there was no obligation upon them hem have the honor to represent. They have heard,
States, he, for one, would neyer oppose her admisto do-submitted the only feature of the constitu
sion because she had chosen to have slavery in as I have heard, and as they and I have regretted tion liable to objection, tó a vote of the people.
her constitution, for in that case slavery would I to hear, much said by extreme men about a disI am aware, sir, that now, searching about in solution of the Union in any contingency. Against
be there by the will of the people themselves, and all directions to find pretexts to justify opposition, il such idea, sir, I wish, for them, to enter a solemn
Congress would be absolved from all agency in gentlemen have lately attacked the Legislature protest. It may do well for gentlemen from the
placing it there. He believed that the people of which summoned the convention; that it has been far South, with a barrier of States between them
this country were capable of self-government, and asserted that the convention itself represented but and the North, to talk about dissolution, and a
was willing that they should decide the question partially the people of the Territory. These atnorthern republic and a southern republic. Sir,
for themselves; and when they presented themtacks and assertions are not in my opinion susKentucky, in old times, was called ihe dark and
selves to Congress asking admission with slavery, tnined before us by any competent testimony. On bloody ground. Her sons of this day do not mean
he would vote to admit them into the Union. That the contrary, in the earlier part of the discussion that she shall ever more deserve the appellation.
was the position then held. That is the position it was on all hands admitted-and I have since We are ready, and we have in every battle-field
I am proud to hold, and that is the position in heard distinguished gentlemen in the Opposition
which I am proud to follow him. Sir, talk about shown that we were willing, to shed our blood regret the admission that the Legislature was a , for the honor and the glory of the whole country.
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and the doctrine of legal one, and that the convention properly rep
Painted above us upon the ceiling of this gorge
non-intervention contained in it, as though it were resented the people of the Territory. It was only ous chamber, is our coat-of-arms; and its legend
I there to be found for the first time! You find it II in the eleventh hour that anything was said about is, “ United we stand, divided we fall.”
for the first time in 1850. a substitute, a better
So may fifteen or nineteen counties being unrepresented; it be to the end of time.
thing-that doctrine of non-intervention-than and in this Governor Walker has been unsustained Mr. HOUSTON. If no one else wants the
your line of 36° 30'; a better thing than any comby his own friends. The only matter of evidence floor, I will move that the conimittee rise.
promise ever made upon the subject of slavery; strongly insisted upon, and appearing, indeed,
Mr. CAMPBELL. If the gentleman from Ala
i at least, so thought the author of the compromise like proof that the constitution is not the will of abama will yield to me for a minute or two I desire
of 1850, and I follow him. I speak by the record the people, is the vote of the 4th of January last. just here, at the conclusion of the speech of the
when I assert that these were his sentiments. But, sir, in my judgment, that vote cannot propgentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay,) to read
Mr. CAMPBELL. I had no disposition, when açucaran erly be considered by us at all. I do not believe an extract from a speech delivered in the Hall of
I rose, to enter into any discussion upon this subthat the Legislature called by Mr. Stanton, comthe House of Representatives, in favor of reliey
ject. My opinions in regard to slavery are pretty petent as it may have been for other purposes, ing Kentucky from slavery. In speaking of those
well understood. I did not think the gentleman had any power to submit to a vote of the people who complained of the movement, the distin
from Kentucky [Mr. Clay) would become excited the constitution formed by the represented soverguished orator said:
over the fact that I dared to quote from the speech eignty of the people, which had not chosen in its
of a man to whom I became attached in my early
" What would they who this reproach us have done? sovereign capacity to submit it. That a large porthey would represe all tendencies towards liberty and ulti
boy hood, and whose banner I followed in politition of the people of Kansas thought so them mate cinancipation, they must do more than put down the cal struggles as long as he lived. selves is evident from the fact that the vote was benevolent efforts of this society. They must go back to Mr. CLAY. If the gentleman will allow me, I
the era of our liberty and independence, and muzzle the all on one side. As against the constitution, if
will say if he thought I was excited by his recannon which thunders its annual joyous return. They it were not their will, I believe the people of Kan
must revive the slave trade, with all its train of atrocities.' ferring to Mr. Clay as he did, then he must attrio- re position: sas had a clear legal remedy. I believe it was in * * * “ They must blow out the moral lights ute it to perhaps an unfortunate manner of mine, their power to have furnished Congress with com around us, and extinguish ihat greatest torch of all which ' and not in the least degree to any excitement which
America presents to a benighted world, pointing the way petent testimony against it. I mean by petition. to their rights, their liberties, and their happiness. And
I felt. They have not chosen to exercise that right; and
when they have achieved all these purposes, their work Mr. CAMPBELL. I defend the principles of I, for one, cannot regard a one-sided party vole, will be vet incomplete. They must penetrate the homan.th
that departed statesman; I adopted his position directed by incompetent authority, in the light of soul, and eradicate the light of reason and the love of lib- that slavery ought not to be extended into free ler
erty. Then, and not till then, when universal darkness and a petition, which is a clear legal right. Sir, I do despair prevail, can you perperuate slavery, and repress all
| ritory; and it was upon that principle that I opnot, as a member of Congress, give any weight
sympathies, and all humane and benevolent efforts among posed, through many days and many nights, the whatsoever to individual or newspaper charges freemen, in beball of the unhappy portion of our race wborepeal of the Missouri compromise--a measure against the Lecompton constitution. I believe are doomed to bondage'.
which, if Henry Clay did not vote for, he sup
“Our friends who are cursed with this greatest of human there has been fraud and violence-far too much
evils, deserve the kindest attention and consideration. Their ported throughout the subsequent portion of his of fraud and violence on all sides; but aside from
property and their safety are both involved. But the lib. Il life, as one bringing peace and harmony to ou the question of policy, I do believe that the weight eral and candid among them will not, cannot, expect that then distracted country which he loved. of testimony before us is altogether in favor of every project to deliver our country froin it is to be crushed ecause of a possible and ideal danger."
In the same speech from which I have read, the proposed requirement that the " constitution
delivered by him in 1827, he uses this language. presented was at the time of its adoption the will The gentleman from Kentucky censures the I recite from memory: of the people of Kansas lavofully expressed.” course which northern members have seen fit to! “ Could I relieve of this foul blot (slavery) the reve
the revered But, sir, when I come to the question of the take in opposition to the extension of slavery into
State which gave me birth, and the no less beloved policy of admission, a question to which the prac territory now free-into territory north of 360
which adopted me as her son, I would not exchange iical statesman ought always to look, I am free 30'. The extract I have just read was the senti
13laction I should enjoy from such a triumph, for the prou
cst laurels ever worn by Roman conqueror." from all doubts. The country is heartily sick ments uttered in the Hall of the House of Rep. and tired of the whole Kansas question. Even resentatives by the illustrious predecessor of that
It would seem not only that Henry Clay was the opponents of Lecompton in Kansas are sick gentleman who represents the Ashland district of
opposed to the extension of slavery into free terriand tired of it - they want quiet, they want peace, i Kentucky. I read the speech when a boy. The entirely from Virginia, where he was bo
tory, but that he was desirous of removing the bi they want opportunity to develop the glorious distinguished man who made it taught me the from Kentucky, that had so highly honored country they inbabit, over most of which I have very first lesson I ever learned upon this subject. The gentleman has referred to the measur myself been and which I know to be one of the I. of slavery. His name, sir, was IIENRY Clay. 1850, and to the position which Mr. Clay oua
VEDELI Han it
LAT. Iki APRELL
unfolow LAY, Ver
Admission of Kansas-Mr. Harlan.
35th Cong..., 1 st Sess.
Ho. OF REPS.
then. What was it? He was at the head of a is about to be committed by the Government of || own language, he was no longer James Buchanan, committee of thirteen, appointed by the Senate, a country against the peace and repose of society, l, but was the Cincinnati platform, it was but reasonand he made an able report in regard to the terri | nothing is more common than for the party en- | able to expect, at least, that this exposition of cories acquired from Mexico. In it he addressed gaged in the wrong to seek to accomplish it under " squatter sovereignty” would be fairly and fully himself to the North to this effect: there is no ne the name and with the pretext of restoring some carried out in his administration. cessity for applying a Wilmot proviso to this ter lost right or liberty of the people. Weak and cor In his inaugural address he said: ritory, because slavery can never go there; it was rupt administrations frequently resort to these " It is the imperative and indispensable duty of the Govexcluded by the law of Mexico; California has false pretenses for the purpose of perpetuating
ernment of the United States to secure to every resident already adopted a constitution rejecting slavery;
inhabitant the free and independent expression of his opintheir power. When, therefore, for the purpose of
ion by his vote." in all human probability Utah and New Mexico expanding the institution of slavery, extending its area, increasing and rendering permanent its
In his instructions to Governor Walker, in will do the same. And following out the suggestion of that report, political power, by pulling down all obstructions
speaking of the constitutional convention, and of you may remember that Daniel Webster, in his in its way, which must necessarily agitate society
the constitution then about to be formed by it, he speech of the 7th of March, so highly lauded and disturb the peace and harmony of the country,
* When such a constitution shall be submitted to the peothroughout the South, said to the Senate, in sub it was to be expected that those who had resolved
ple of the Territory, they must be protected in the exercise, stance: you ought not to ask the Wilmot proviso, upon this outrage should invent some plausible
of their right of voting for or against that instrument; and because it is but a human statute applied to a plea or false pretense that there was some long-lost the fair expression of the popular will must not be interterritory over which nature's God has decreed li liberty or equality of the people to be reclaimed rupted by fraud or violence." through his laws of climate and soil, that slavery and restored by the new policy, the repeal of Governor Walker proceeded to Kansas under never can go; and why reënact His statutes? the Missouri compromise was effected by using, these instructions; and, in his inaugural address
By the compromise measures of 1850, it must in the act to organize the Territories of Kansas to the people, among other things, he said: be borne in mind, there was no provision for squat and Nebraska, these very remarkable words: “ I repeat, then, as my clear conviction, that, unless the ter sovereignty. They provided that the people “ The eighth section of the act, preparatory to the admis.
convention submit the constitution to the vote of all the
actual resident settlery of Kansas, and the election be fairly of the Territories of Utah and New Mexico may, sion of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which, being inconsistent with the principle of non-inter
and justly conducted, the constitution will be, and ought to when they acquired sufficient population, decide vention by Congress with slavery in the States and Terri
be, rejected by Congress.” the question of slaycry for themselves, and not
tories as recognized by the legislation of 1830, commonly To show that these statements were made by before they were prepared to form a State consti called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inoper Governor Walker in good faith, in pursuance of tution. li was not contended by Mr. Clay, Mr. alive and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory, or exclude it
his instructions, and with the knowledge not only Webster, or by any other leading member of therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to
of the President, but with the approval of all the either branch of Congress, of any party, that
form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own members of his Cabinet, and with a view of prewhile they remained in a territorial condition, way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States."
senting other facts and arguments on this subject, slavery could enter the Territories of the United
Why not say, in direct words, that" ihe eighth | I beg leave to read from Governor Walker's letter
section of the Missouri compromise act, which of resignation the following extracts. He says: Mr. Chairman, I have said all I desire to say prohibited slavery north of 360 30', is hereby "I accepted the appointment of Governor of Kansas on at this time.
repealed?” Why all this circuity of language? the express condition that I should advocate the submission Mr. CLAY. I regret, and I feel it proper to Why pretend that the legislation of 1850 was of the constitution to the vote of the people for ratification
or rejection. express my regret, that the pame of my father has inconsistent with the act of 1820 ? Why this talk
“These views were clearly understood by the President been brought so frequently into this discussion.
of "leaving the people perfectly free to form and and all his Cabinet. They were distinctly set forth in my Mr. CAMPBELL. I have referred to it with
regulate their domestic institutions in their own letter of acceptance of this office of the 26th of March last, the most profound respect, and in vindication of way," if it were not to conceal the wrong under
ai. I reiterated in iny inaugural address of the 27th of May
last, as follows: my own position as a Representative. the name and pretext of extending the blessings
** Indeed, I cannot doubt that the convention, after hav. Mr. CLAY. I know it; arfd I thank the gen of freedom? It was with an air of Triumph asked, ing framed a State constitution, will submit it for ratificatleman from Ohio, and I thank all others who were why not extend all the rights now enjoyed by the tion or rejection by a majority of the then actual bona fide his friends, for having been so. My heart has
resident settlers of Kansas.' people of the States to the people of the Territo
* With these views well known to the President and Cabalways been full of gratitude to them.
ries? Why not allow this rightof self-government inet, and approved by them, I accepted the appointment of My sole reason, as I stated in the first instance, to the few settlers of a Territory as well as to large Governor of Kansas. in mentioning his name at all, was because it had communities and States? .
“In my official dispatch to you of 2d June Inst, a copy of
that inaugural address was transmitted to you for the lurbeen mentioned in the Senate Chamber by a gen The Democratic party, from the time this pro
ther information of the President and his Cabinet. No extleman of great distinction, and great influence vision was incorporated into the law for the or ception was ever taken to any portion of that address. On over this land, and who has been looked upon as ganization of Kansas Territory, determined to ap the contrary, it is distinctly adınitted by the President in luis his great friend; but who had, unintentionally propriate this doctrine of popular sovereignty”
message, with commendable frankness, that my instruc
tions in favor of the submission of the constitution to the perhaps, misrepresented him. I had no purpose to its own exclusive use and benefit. It was to
vote of the people were general and unqualified.' By of going into the question of squatter sovereignty be claimed as a great distinguishing principle be that inaugural and subsequent addresses I was pledged to and other questions, which my honorable friend tween them and all other parties; and this was to the people of Kansas to oppose, by all 'Jawtul means,' the from Ohio has brought up, to show, or to attempt be kept very prominently before the people.
adoption of any constitution which was not fairly and fully
submitted to their vote for ratification or rejection. These to show, the opinions of Mr. Clay, upon any of The chief leader at the South in setting up this
pledges I cannot recall or violate without personal dishonor those subjects. It was for a single and sole ob- | claim was Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, who, while and the abandoment of fundamental principles; and, thereject that I mentioned his name at all.
the Kansas bill was pending in the House of Rep fore, it is impossible for me to support what is called the Always, however, it has been my fate, since
Lecampton constitution, because it is not submitted to a resentatives, said:
vote of the people for ratification or rejection." first I raised my head above the political waters,
"Those who hold that Congress ought to impose their ar "I repeat, that in nineteeu counties out of thirty-four, bitrary mandates upon the people of the Territories in this
there was no census. In fifteen counties out of thirty four sought to be crushed in his name. Those at particular, whether the people be willing or unwilling, hold there was no registry, and not a solitary vote was given or tempts have failed, thank God, in my own counthe doctrine of Lord North and his adherents in the British
could be given for delegates to the convention in any one Parliament towards the Colonies during his administration. try and
of these counties. Surely, then, it cannot be said that such try, and I hope always everywhere io be able to He and they claimed the right to govern the Colonies in all a convention, chosen by scarcely more than one tenth of the sustain the positions I have taken by his record. | cases whatsoever, notwithstanding the want of reprobenta present voters of Kansas, represented the people of that TerThave not spoken upon any of those subjects of tion."
ritory, and could rightfully impose a constitution upon them
without their consent. These nineteen counties in which squatter sovereignty, &c., to which the gentleman Yes, sir, the people of the Territories must be
there was noccisus constituted a majority of the counties of has alluded; and I shall no longer continue a dis left“ perfectly free to form and regulate their do
the Territory, and these fifteen counties in which there was cussion upon what were or were not the opinions Il mestic institutions in their own way;" and those no registry gave a much larger vote at the October election,
of Mr. Clay, which I do not think relevant to this who did not subscribe to this doctrine must be even with the six months' qualification, than the whole vote på debate on kansas
given to the delegates who sigued the Lecompton constitucharged with holding the political opinions held
tion on the 7th November last. If, then, sovereignty can be Mr. CAMPBELL. I have no disposition to by Lord North and the British Government in delevated, and conventions, as such, are sovereign, which to put the gentleman from Kentucky down.
the days of the Revolution. This was the Dem I deny, surely it must be only in such cases as when such Mr. CLAY. I know it; I know it. ocratic doctrine in 1854. Two years afterwards, Conventions are chosen by the people, which we have seen
was not the case as regards the late Lecompton convention. Mr. CAMPBELL. I merely wished to show | the Democratic national convention, held at Cin
It was for this, among other reasons, that 11 my inangural that I preferred to follow the course of his father, Il cinnati, revised this doctrine of " squatter sover
and other addresses I insisted that the constitution should rather than to follow his; that is all.
eignty” by one of their resolutions, which reads be submitted to the people by the convention, as the only Mr. CLAY. Very well; very well. We shall as follows:
means of curing this vital defect in the organization. It was, see; we shall see.
therefore, among other reasons, when, as you know, the “Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of
organization of the so-called Topeka State government, and all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting
as a consequence an inevitable civil war and conflict with ADMISSION OF KANSAS. through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority
the troops must have ensued, these results were prevented of actual residents, and whenever the number of their in
by my assuring, not the Abolitionists, as has been erroneSPEECH OF HON. AARON HARLAN, habitants justifies it, to form a constitution, with or without
ously stated for my address was not to them, but the peodomestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon
ple of Kansas--that in my judgment, the constitution would OF OHIO, terms of perfect equality with the other States."
be submitted fairly and freely for ratification or rejection by This commentary upon the original text placed their vote; and that, if this was not done, I would unite IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, an apparent limitation upon the power of the Ter with them, the people, as I now do, in lawful opposition to
such a procedure.
“The President takes a different view of the subject in The House being in the Committee of the Whole on ibel dents," when they came to form a constitution, his message; and, froin the events occurring in Kansas as state of the Union
could form their domestic institutions" to suit well as here, it is evident that the question is passing from Mr. HARLAN said:
theories into practice, and that, as Governor of Kansas, I themselves.
should be compelled to carry out new instructions, ditiering, Mr. CHAIRMAN:History teaches, and experience
The President having placed himself upon this
on il vital question, frow those received at the date of my propias verifies the touch the
es the truth, that when a great fraud or wrong 1 Cincinnati platform so fully that, according to his l appointmens. Such instructions I could not execute con
35th Cong....1st Sess.
Admission of Kansas-Mr. Harlan.
Ho. OF REPs.
sistently with my views of the Federal Constitution, of the 18th July, 1857, with the following indorsement, the constitution of the people of Kansas? Is it the Kansas and Nebraska bill, or with my pledges to the people and approval by its editor:
work, or the act and deed of that people? Does it of Kansas. Under these circumstances, no alternative is left me but to resign the office of Governor of the Territory “ Wut the South COUNTENANCE THE FRAUD ?_We speak their voice or reflect their will? If it is their of Eanas.
commend the following article from the Richmond Exam- constitution, then let it be so treated; if it is not " No one can more deeply regret than in yself this neces iner to the earnest attention of our readers. Its statements, their constitution, then let it be treated as the work, sity; but it arises from no change of opinion on my part. its reasonings, its indignant expostulations, are so eloquent the vile work, of the infamous scoundrels vbo On the contrary, I should have inost cheerfully returned to and forcible that they cannot fail to impress the minds of all Kansas to carry out my original instructions, and thus pre who read them. The more we examine this subject, the
made it. What is the evidence upon this ques. serve the peace of the Territory, and finally settle the Ran more we attend to the reasonings of others; the more we are tion? Those who assert it to be the constitutio sas question by redeeming my pledges to the people.”
impressed with the palpable error into which our southern of the people of Kansas rely upon a series of legal As a further proof that it was the universal unfriends have fallen in condemning Governor Walker and the
inferences and presumptions. Inferential evidence Administration for proposing to submit the constitution of derstanding, before and at the time of the election Kansas, when framed, to the people. It is a war against a
will do if no positive evidence is furnished in of the delegates to the Lecompton constitutional principle universally acknowledged by the national De contradict it. The assent of the people might be convention, that the constitution was to be submocracy to be right; it was adopted as a principle of their
presumed if they were silent; but when they do national platform; it was accepted, acquiesced in, and sancmitted to the people; and to corroborate the evi
speak, we must be governed by their voice; Fe tioned by the southern Democracy, as well as by the Dedence of Governor Walker, if it required any, I
mocracy of the whole country, without a dissenting voice. must know what it is; we are no longer at liberty read the publication of John Calhoun and seven
Kto infer their assent; they have spoken yea ornar other candidates for the convention, in which they with it we triumphed. These very southern men, aided by
and we must see and know what they have said. their spirited efforts and united votes in bringing into power pledge themselves that the constitution shall be
Now look at the evidence. A bogus Legislature a great statesman, a true friend of the South, an ardent pasubmitted. It speaks for itself, and reads as fol triot and a pure man, committed to the very principle now
ordered the convention to be elected. At the ele. lows:
called in question by every act of his past life. And can it tion for delegates to the convention, by the eti
be believed, the very first moment that it is attempted to To the Democratic Voters of Douglas County:
dence of Governor Walker above referred to, it apply the principle in practice that is, to allow the people It having been stated by that Abolition newspaper, the
is shown that nearly half the Territory was di of Kansas to adopt, by their votes, such a constitution as Ierald of Freedom, and by some disaffected bogus Deino
they may be willing to live under-many of our southern franchised. He says: crats, who have got up an independent ticket, for the pur
friends practically repudiate their previous acts, repudiate 66 I repeat, that in nineteen counties out of thirty-four, pose of securing the vote of the Black Republicans, that the their resolution of the Cincinnati platform which contains
(the whole number in the Territory,) there was no ceo regular nominees of the Democratic convention were opthe principle, and array themselves for the moment against
In fifteen counties out of thirty-four there was no Tegy, posed to submitting the constitution to the people, we, the
an Adininistration which is only endeavoring to do its duty, candidates of the Democratic party, submit the following
and not a solitary vote was given, or could be girer, for der and faithfully fulfill its pledges; and this, we think, is very
gates to the convention in any one of these courties." resolution, which was adopted by the Democratic conven.
clearly shown by the following article.” [The one above tion which placed us in nomination, and which we fully and read.)
Acuing Governor Stanton, in his message to the heartily indorse, as a complete refutation of the slanders
In an editorial, of the same date, the editor of
Territorial Legislature, says that all the posts above referred to. JOIN CALHOUN, A. W. JONES,
given at the election in June last for delegates o the Union says, in speaking of the Kansas conW. S. WELLS, H. BUTCHER,
the Lecompton convention, only amounted to stitution: 1. COLLING, JOHN M. WALLACE,
about two thousand two hundred. If they are al I'M. T. SPICELY, L. A. PRATHER. “If the convention shall make a constitution in the name
set down as in favor of this constitution with sle. LECOMPTON, Kansas Territory, June 13, 1857.
of the people, and refuse to let their constituents pronounce
very, there were only two thousand two hundred « Resolved, That we will support no man as a delegate to ticity is withheld.”
of them, all told. At the election in October last the constitutional convention, whose duties it will be to
And this was the tone of the party press here,
for a Delegate to this Congress, there were two franie the constitution of the future State of Kansas, and to mold the poin. 1.1titutions under which we, as a people, and all over the country, until the 7ih of Novem
candidates; one was the slave-State candidate, the are to live, unless he pledges himself, fully, freely, and ber last, when the convention closed its labors,
other was Mr. PARROTT, the free-State candidata, without reservaiion, to use every honorable means to sub. adopted the Lecompton constitution, refused to
and who is now a member of this House. This mit the same to every bona fide actual citizen of Kansas, at
election was held under the laws of Congress, submit it to a vote of the people for.their rejecthe proper time for the vote being taken upon the adoption by the people, in order that the said constitution may be tion or approval. Since that time we have had,
which all parties in the Territory recognize adopted or rejected by the actual settlers of this Territory,
valid. All parties voted, and the election was from the organs of the Administration, and from as the majority of voters shall decide." the President of the United States, and those who
warmly contested. The majority for the freeUnder the assurances thus given by the Cinprofess to be his friends, all sorts of opinions,
State candidate was about five thousand. cinnati platform, by the instructions of the Pres.
At the election held on the 21st December, on statements, and claims. ident of the United States to Governor Walker, First, the convention was censured; then ex
the adoption of the Lecompton constitution the by the advice of his Cabinet, by the addresses cuses and apologies were made; and then a com
whole vote cast for the constitution, as the returas of Governor Walker to the people of Kansas, by plete justification for not submitting the constitu
show, was only six thousand one hundred and the published pledges of the candidates for the tion to a vote of the people; and lastly, and finally,
forty-three, one half of which have since beds convention, the election for delegates to the Leit is claimed by the President, in a message to
proven to be fraudulent, and a considerable due. compton convention was held; and a majority of Congress, that ihe constitution was submitted to
ber more given by non-residents; shoving the its delegates were found to be in favor of making the people, in accordance and substantial compli
actual strength of the pro-slavery party in Kar Kansas a slave State! It then, for the first time, ance with his instructions to Governor Walker.
sas to be only about three thousand. began to be whispered that the constitution would When this last pretense was gravely written by
But a more conclusive vote than either of those not be submitted to the people for their adoption. the President, and read by his friends, it would
mentioned was given on the 4th of January last, To show with what indignation this suggestion not be surprising if both he and they should have
when the question of adopting or rejecting the was met at the South at that time, I refer to an exclaimed, inahe celebrated language of Jack Fal
Lecompton constitution was directly submited extract from a Virginia newspaper,che Richmond staff, when caught in an unmitigated falsehood,
to a vote of the people, and over eleven thousa) Examiner, of the 14th July, 1857. This extract “ Lord, Lord, how this world is given to lying !".
votes were then cast against the constitution and is as follows:
That the constitution was submitted for adop
against slavery. No evidence has been offered “Here is the whole question, then, from alpha to omega : tion or rejection in substantial compliance with the
this House to impeach the fairness of this rotf.. Shall the constitution be submitted to the people! The Deprovisions of the Cincinnati platform or the pledg.
Wecan, then, with perfect confidence, claimizi mocracy of Kansas demand that it sball, and the Democracy of the Union second their demand. Mr. KEITT says,
we have positive and affirmative evidence toe! es of the President, or his instructions to Governor nay; the ultra South clamors in chorus, nay. Well, why
there is now, in truth and in fact, a majority of oter Walker, is wholly false; not one word of truth in should not the constitution be submitted to the people? it. The claim that the question of slavery or no
eight thousand of the citizens of Kansas protesurg What is the objection of the ultras? Strange to say, the slavery, the question of a slave or a free State, was
that this is not their constitution. reason is not denied. We blush for the South that the reason is avowed. The reason alleged is, that the people of
There have been memorials, signed by over submitted, is equally without truth--unqualifiedly kansas would vote down such a constitution as the clam false. The scandalous and contemptible mockery
seven thousand residents of Kansas, sent to this orers would frame for them; and the effort is to thrust upon of submitting the shadow of the question of sla
Congress, remonstrating against admission under them, by a political trick and contrivance, what could not very or no slavery to the people was performed.
this constitution. be put upon them by tair Democratic means. Such is the scheme of the chivalry' of the South ! such the lame and
The Delegate on this floor, elected and sent her The substance of even that single question was impotent conclusion of all the grand airs and affectations withheld-expressly withheld.
to represent their interest in person, remonstrates of virtue and honor, with which the chivalry' have amused Why, sir, what was submitted to the people ?
against the admission of Kansas under this conscithe country so long! A paltry fraud, a political juggle, a Simply whether, in future, slaves should be im.
tution. legal swindle, upon the people of Kansas-insisted upon, ocinanded, clamored for, by the chivalry,' par excellence, ported into Kansas. The perpetuity of all the
The Territorial Legislature but recently elected by the pink and pick politicians of the South. slavery then in Kansas, was provided for in the
send here their remonstrance, and ask, what right Our tools in the convention will frame a constitution constitution in express terms, no matter which
has Congress to admit Kansas as a State into 522 for Kansas; "it will be such as the people would repudiate;'
Union against her will? . we will take care to prevent the people from voting upon
way the people voted on the question submitted. it;' we will juggle it through a show of inock formalities;'
This remonstrance is in the following that
The man who in private life would claim in huis und we will accomplish by chicane what we could not private affairs that his obligations under such cir
resolutions: Jaye accomplished by straightforward, honest, Democratic
cumstances, and with such compliance, were dis «Resolved by the Gorernor and Legislatire scene practice.' Such is the position of the peculiar chainpions
Kansas Territory, That the people of Kansas being op of the South; such the attitude in which they are striving to charged, would but live to be loathed and despised
to said constitution, Congress has no rightful power ON place the South before the Union and before the world; as a man without honor, without truth.
it to admit said Territory into the Union as a Stale: ans such the humiliating depths of dishonor--with faith violated, The Lecompton constitution is now presented we, the representatives of said people, do hereby, in this pledges broken, and reputation blasted-in which they with slavery as fully recognized by it as by the
name and on their behalf, solemnly protest against 6:3 would sink the noble Democracy of the slaveholding States.
admission. The fraud is infamous enough in itself, but it is doubly so constitution of any State in the Union; and the
"Resolved, That such action on the part of Congress in being in violation of express pledges given by the De. President in his message tells us “it is as much a
would, in the judgment of the members of this Legit inlocracy of the Union, and participated in, in the most sol- | slave State as Georgia or Alabama." That sla- || Assembly, be an entire abandonment of the doctrine on emn manner, by the ultras theinselves.” very exists there, either by law or by force, is
non intervention in the affairs of the Territory, and a sat
stitution in its stead of congressional intervention in the The above article appeared in the organ of the
of a minority engaged in a disreputable attempt 10 deka Administration, the Washington Union, of the Such, then, is the Lecompton constitution. Is it l the will and violate the rights of the majority.