lated into French, they were much read in Parisian CHAP. saloons; and their author was compared with Cicero. "In America the Farmer is adored;" said the Governor of Georgia; 1" and no mark of honor and respect is thought equal to his merit." At that time Georgia was the most flourishing Colony on the continent." Lands there were cheap and labor dear; it had no manufactures; though, of the poorer families, one in a hundred perhaps might make its own coarse clothing of a mixture of cotton and wool. Out of twentyfive members of the newly elected Legislature at least eighteen were professed "Sons of Liberty," "enthusiasts" for the American cause, zealous for "maintaining their natural rights." They unanimously made choice of Benjamin Franklin, as their agent; and nothing but their prorogation prevented their sending words of sympathy to Massachusetts. New Jersey expressed its desire to correspond and unite with the other Colonies. The Connecticut Assembly in May, after a solemn debate, concluded to petition the King only; "because," said they, "to petition the Parliament would be a tacit confession of its right to lay impositions upon us; which right and authority we publicly disavow." Nor would the Court issue Writs of Assistance, although it was claimed that they were authorized by Townshend's Revenue Act. The times tried men's courage; some grew alarmed for consequences; but others "were carried above fear." 5 'Sir James Wright to Lord Hillsborough, 23 May, 1768. *Wright to Hillsborough, 30 May, 1768. 3 Wright to Hillsborough, 31 May, 1768. New Jersey to Massachusetts, 9 May, 1768, in Prior Documents, 216. W. Franklin to Hillsborough, "E. Silliman to W. S. Johnson,` XXXIII 1768. May. CHAP. XXXIII 1768. May. At New-York the merchants held a meeting to join with the inhabitants of Boston in the agreement not to import from Great Britain; and against the opinion of the Governor, the royal Council held, that the meetings were legal; that the people did but assemble to establish among themselves certain rules of economy; that as they were masters of their own fortune, they had a right to dispose of it as they pleased.1 While Massachusetts received encouragement from its sister Colonies, its Crown officers continued and extended their solicitations in England for large and fixed salaries, as the only way to keep the Americans in their dependence. Grenville's influence was the special resource of Hutchinson and Oliver, who had supported his Stamp Act and suffered as its martyrs; and they relied on Whately to secure for them his attention and favor; which they valued the more, as it seemed to them probable, that he would one day supersede Grafton. 8 Bernard, on his part, addressed his importunities to Hillsborough; and asked leave to become an informer, under an assurance that no exposure should be made of his letters. Yet how could public measures be properly founded on secret communications, known only to the Minister and the King? Should the right of the humblest individual to confront witnesses against him be held sacred? and should rising nations be exposed to the loss of chartered privileges 1 Moore to Hillsborough, 10 May, 1768. Compare Rev. Dr. Johnson to the Archbishop Secker, 10 May, 1768. 2 Oliver to Thomas Whately, 11 May, 1768. Bernard to Hillsborough, 12 May, 1768. 1768. and natural rights on concealed accusations? With CHAP. truer loyalty towards the mother country, Samuel XXXIII Adams, through the Agent, advised the repeal of May. the Revenue Acts, and the removal of a Governor, in whom the Colonies could never repose confidence. But Bernard went on, persuading Hillsborough that America had grown refractory in consequence of the feeble administration of the Colonies during the time of Conway and Shelburne; that it required "his Lordship's distinguished abilities" to accomplish the "most arduous task of reducing them into good order." "It only needs," said Hutchinson," one steady plan, pursued a little while." At that moment the people of Massachusetts, confidently awaiting a favorable result of their appeal to the King, revived their ancient spirit of loyalty. At the opening of the political year on the last Wednesday in May, the new House of Representatives came together with a kindlier disposition towards England than had existed for several years. The two parties were nearer an equality. On the day of election, after hearing a sermon in which Shute of Hingham denied the supreme authority of Parliament and justified resistance to laws not based on equity, the Legislature seemed willing to restore Hutchinson to the Council, and on the first ballot he had sixty-eight votes where he needed but seventy-one." CHAP. XXXIII 1768. May. He himself was the cause of his defeat. As the Convention were preparing to ballot a second time, Samuel Adams rose to ask whether the LieutenantGovernor was a pensioner; on which Otis, the other "chief head of the faction," stood up and declared that Hutchinson had received a warrant from the Lords of the Treasury for two hundred pounds a year out of the proceeds of the new duties; and distributing votes for Artemas Ward, he cried out: "Pensioner or no pensioner; surely the House will not think a pensioner of the Crown a fit person to sit in Council." "But for the warrant," confessed Hutchinson, "I should have been elected." "And that," added Bernard, "would have put quite a new face upon public affairs." "I," said Hutchinson, "gave Ward a Lieutenant Colonel's commission in the Provincial Forces, thinking to bring him over;-he is a very sulky fellow."1 "The Government," repeated Bernard, "should insist upon it, that the Lieutenant Governor and Secretary should have seats and votes at the Council Board without an election." 2 "This annual election of the Council spoils the Constitution," wrote Hutchinson, though he afterwards uttered the falsehood of denying his opinion. "The House," reported Bernard to Hillsborough, "has shown ingratitude, undutifulness and insolence." "They will not come to a right temper," said Hutchinson, "until they find that, at all events, the Parliament will maintain its authority, and that to oppose Hutchinson to T. Pownal, 7 June, 1768. 2 Bernard to Hillsborough, 30 May, 1768. "Hutchinson to R. Jackson, 4 June, 1768. XXXIII 1768. it any longer must prove their ruin."1 Such were the CHAP. representations of men, on whom Hillsborough was eager to bestow signal marks of his confidence; May. having resolved to reward Bernard's zeal with the lucrative post of Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, and to leave the Government of Massachusetts in the hands of Hutchinson.2 Just at this time, the Ministry in England re- June. ceived the letters of March from the Commissioners of the Customs and from Bernard, and totally misconceiving the state of things, Hillsborough, on the eighth of June, peremptorily ordered Gage to send a regiment to continue permanently in Boston, for the assistance of the civil magistrates and the officers of the revenue. The Admiralty was also directed to send one frigate, two sloops, and two cutters to remain in Boston harbor; and the little castle of William and Mary was to be occupied and repaired.5 This first act of hostility on the part of Great Britain was adopted at a time when America thought of nothing more than peaceable petitioning and passive resistance by a non-importation agreement, which the adverse interests and disinclination of the merchants had as yet rendered void. 1 Hutchinson to N. Rogers, 30 or 31 May, 1768. 2 Richard Jackson to Hutchinson, 3 June, 1768. 3 Hillsborough to Gage, 8 June, 1768. Hillsborough to the Lords of Hillsborough to Gage, 8 June, |