XXXI.

CHAP. ble;" and they referred the consideration of their present circumstances to the wisdom and clemency of 1768. the King.

Jan.

In the several papers which, after a fortnight's anxious deliberation, were adopted by an Assembly, composed for the most part of farmers and delegates from the rural population, the calmness of the language is suited to the earnestness of their purpose; nor is there one line which betrays haste, or hesitation. It remained for the House "to inform the other Governments with its proceedings against the late Acts, that, if they thought fit, they might join 1 therein." But this, it was said in a house of eightytwo Members, would be considered in England, as appointing a second Congress; and the negative prevailed by a vote of two to one. The country members were slow in perceiving the imminence and extent of the public danger.

At this appearance of indecision, Bernard conceived " great hopes." "It will," said he, "make some atonement for their Remonstrance." 2

The towns in the central Provinces had not as yet seconded the proposal of Boston to import nothing from England. "The British Government will probably pursue the mildest policy," wrote De Kalb to Choiseul from Philadelphia. "The Colonies are but lightly taxed, and could not resist force. Distance from the British Government makes these people more free; but at heart they have little disposition to

1

Compare Bernard to Shelburne, 18 Feb. 1768.

2 Bernard to the Secretary of State, 30 January, 1768, in Letter to the Ministry, 7. and Bernard to Shelburne, 2 Feb. 1768.

3 De Kalb to the Duke de Choiseul, Philadelphia, 15 January, 1768. But compare his letter to Choiseul of 20 January, 1768.

XXXI.

throw off their dependence by the aid of foreign CHAP. powers." The tone of public feeling seemed unprepared for action and averse to a rupture.

1768.

Jan.

But Samuel Adams and the few who shared his Feb. courage contended indefatigably1 against the principle of taxation. The hesitancy in the Assembly had proceeded not from timidity but caution. The Members spoke with one another in private, till their views became clearer. Then on the fourth day of February, a motion was made to reconsider the vote against writing to the other Colonies. The House was counted; eighty-two were again found to be present; the question was put and carried by a large majority, and the former vote erased from the journals.2

On the same day, a question, whether the House would appoint a committee to prepare a letter, to be sent to each House of Representatives or Burgesses on the Continent, to inform them of the measure which it had taken, passed in the affirmative after debate. A masterly circular letter which Samuel Adams & had drafted, was, on the eleventh of February, read in the House, and accepted almost unanimously.

Expressing a firm confidence that the united supplications of the distressed Americans would meet with the favorable acceptance of the King, they set forth the importance that proper constitutional mea

Bernard to Hillsborough, 19 May, 1768; and Same to Shelburne, 18 Feb. 1768.

2 Account by Samuel Adams in the Letter from the House to Hillsborough, 30 June, 1768.

"Of this most important paper I possess the draft, in the handwrit

ing of Samuel Adams. Besides
that and the evidence of the con-
temporary letter by Andrew Eliot,
the whole conduct of Samuel
Adams for the next seven years is
a perpetual proof that the measure
was his own.

1768.

Feb.

CHAP. sures respecting the Acts of Parliament, imposing XXXI. taxes on the Colonies, should be adopted; and that the representatives of the several assemblies upon so delicate a point, should harmonize with each other. They made known their "disposition freely to communicate their mind to a sister Colony, upon a common concern."

They then embody the substance of all their representations to the Ministry; that the legislative power of Parliament is circumscribed by the constitution, and is self-destroyed whenever it overleaps its bounds; that allegiance as well as sovereignty is limited; that the right to property is an essential, unalterable one, engrafted into the British system, and to be asserted, exclusive of any consideration of Charters; that taxation of the Colonies by the British Parliament in which they are not represented, is an infringement of their natural and constitutional rights; that an equal representation of the American people in Parliament is for ever impracticable; that their partial representation would be worse even than taxation without their consent. They further enumerate as grievous the civil list independent of the people for officers holding commissions at the pleasure of the Crown; the Billeting Act; and the large powers of the Commissioners of the Customs appointed to reside at Boston.

"The House," they continued, "is fully satisfied that your Assembly is too generous and liberal in sentiment, to believe that this letter proceeds from an ambition of taking the lead, or dictating to the other Assemblies. They freely submit their opinions to the judgment of others, and shall take it kind in

you to point out to them any thing further that may CHAP. be thought necessary."1

A fair copy of this Circular was ordered to be transmitted to England, to be produced in proof of its true spirit and design; they drew their system of conduct from reason itself, and despised concealment.

XXXI.

1768.

Feb.

'Bradford's Massachusetts State Papers, 134.

CHAPTER XXXII.

СНАР.
XXXII.

1768.

AN AMERICAN EMPIRE IS IN THE DIVINE DECREES-HILLSBO-
ROUGH'S ADMINISTRATION OF THE COLONIES CONTINUED.

FEBRUARY-MARCH, 1768.

THE day after the Circular was adopted, the Board of Commissioners of the Revenue met at BosFeb. ton, and with the utmost secrecy, addressed to their superiors in England a memorial which, in connection with the reports of Bernard, was designed to effect a fatal change in the policy of England. Expressing apprehensions for their own safety, they complained against the American Press, especially against the seeming moderation, parade of learning, and most mischievous tendency of the Farmer's Letters; against New England Town Meetings, "in which," they said, "the lowest mechanics discussed the most important points of government with the utmost freedom;" against Rhode Island, as if it had even proposed to stop the Revenue money; against Massachusetts, for having invited every Province to discountenance the consumption of British manufactures. "We have every reason," they added, "to expect that we shall find it impracticable to enforce the execution of the Revenue Laws, until the hand of Government is pro