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persons, to carry it into execution ; but such may be had if proper encouragement be given. We have both received great pleasure in the perusal of it. For my part, I know not when I have read a piece that has more affected nie—so poble and just are the sentiments, so warm and animated the language ; yet as censure from your friends may be of more use, as well as more agreeable to you than praise, I ought to mention, that I wish you had omitted not only the quotation from the Re view,* which you are now justly dissatisfied with, but those expressions of resentment against your adversaries, in pages 65 and 79. In such cases, the noblest victory is obtained by neglect, and by shining on.

« Mr. Allen has been out of town these ten days; but before he went he directed me to procure him six copies of your piece. Mr. Peters has taken ten. He proposed to have written to you; but omits it, as he expects so soon to have the pleasure of seeing you here. He desires me to present his affectionate compliments to you, and to assure you, that you will be very welcome to him. I shall only say that you may depend on my doing all in my power to make your visit to Philadelphia agreeable to you. I am, &c. "Mr. Smith.

B. FRANKLIN."

« PHILADELPHIA, NOV. 27, 1753. « DEAR SIR: Having written you fully, via Bristol, I have now little to add. Matters relating to the acade my remain in statu quo. The trustees would be glad to see a rector established there, but they dread entering into new engagements till they are out of debt; and I have not yet got them wholly over to my opinion, that a good professor, or teacher of the higher branches of learning would draw so many scholars as to pay a great part, if not the whole of his salary. Thus, unless the proprietors (of the province) shall think fit to put the finishing hand to our institution, it must, I fear, wait some few years longer before it can arrive at that state of perfection, which to me it seems now capable of; and all the pleasure I promised myself in seeing you settled among us, vanishes into smoke.

« But good Mr. Collinson writes me word, that no endeavours of his shall be wanting, and he hopes with

* The quotation alluded to (from the London MonthJy Review for 1749,) was judged to reflect too severely on the discipline and government of the English universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and was expunged from the following editions of this work.

the archbishop's assistance, to be able to prevail with our proprietors.* I pray God grant them success. * My son presents his affectionate regards, " With dear sir, yours, &c.

B. FRANKLIN. · P. s. Have not been favoured with a line from you since your arrival in England.”

PHILAD. APRIL 18, 1754. “ DEAR SIR: I have had but one letter from you since your arrival in England, which was but a short one, via Boston, dated Oct. 18th, acquainting me that you had written largely by Captain Davis.-Davis was lost, and with him your letters, to my great disappointment. Mesnard and Gibbon have since arrived here, and I hear nothing from you. My comfort is, an imagination that you only omit writing because you are coming, and propose to tell me every thing viva voce. So not knowing whether this letter will reach you, and hoping either to see or hear from you by the Myrtilla, Captain Buddon's ship, which is daily expected. I only add, that I am, with great esteem and affection, Yours, &c. “Mr. Smith.

B. FRANKLIN.”

About a month after the date of this last letter, the gentleman to whom it was addressed arrived in Philadelphia, and was immediately placed at the head of the seminary; whereby Dr. Franklin and the other trustees were enabled to prosecute their plan, for perfecting the institution, and opening the college upon the large and liberal foundation on which it now stands; for which purpose they obtained their additional charter, dated May 27th, 1755.

Thus far we thought it proper to exhibit in one view Dr. Franklin's services in the foundation and establishment of this seminary. He soon afterwards embarked for England, in the public service of his country ; and having been generally employed abroad, in the like service, for the greatest part of the remainder of his life, (as will appear in our subsequent account of the same) he had but few opportunities of taking any further active part in the affairs of the seminary, until his final return in the year 1785, when he found its charters

* Upon the application of Archbishop Herring and P. Collinson, Esq. at Dr. Franklin's request, (aided by the letters of Mr. Allen and Mr. Peters,) the Hon. Thomas Penn, Esq. subscribed an annual sum, and afterwards gave at least £5,000, to the founding or engrafting the college upon the academy.

violated, and his ancient colleagues, the orignal founders, deprived of their trust, by an act of the legislature ; and although his owie name had been inserted amongst the new trustees, yet he declined to take his seat among them, or any concern in the management of their affairs, till the institution was restored by law to its original owners. He then assembled his old col-leagues at his own house, and being chosen their president, all their future nieetings were, at his request, held there, till within a few months of his death, when with reluctance, and at their desire, lest he might be too much injured by his attention to their business, he suffered them to meet at the college.

Franklin not only gave birth to many useful institutions himself, but he was also instrumental in promoting those which had originated with other men. About the year 1752, an eminent physician of this city, Dr. Bond, considering the deplorable state of the poor, when visited with disease, conceived the idea of esta blishing an hospital. Notwithstanding very great exertions on his part, he was able to interest few people so far in his benevolent plan, as to obtain subscriptions from them. Unwilling that his scheme should prove abortive, he sought the aid of Franklin, who readily engaged in the business, both by using his influence with his friends, and by stating the advantageous influence of the proposed institution in his paper. These efforts were attended with success. Considerable sums were subscribed ; but they were still short of what was necessary. Franklin now made another exertion. He applied to the assembly; and, after some opposition, obtained leave to bring in a hill, specifying, that as soon as two thousand pounds were subscribed, the same sum should be drawn from the treasury by the speaker's warrant, to be applied to the purposes of the institution. The opposition, as the sum was granted upon a contingency, which they supposed would never tako place, they were silent, and the bill passed. The friends of the plan now redoubled their efforts, to obtain subscriptions to the amount stated in the bill, and were soon successful. This was the foundation of the Pennsylvanian Hospital, which, with the Bettering Houses and Dispensary, bears ample testimony of the humanity of the citizens of Philadelphia.

Dr. Franklin had conducted himself so well in the office of postmaster, and had shown hiniself to be so well acquainted with the hir iness of that department, that it was thouzlit Paperi'nt to raise him to a more dignified station. In 1753 he was appointed deputy postmaster general for the Britisti colonies. The pro

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nts arising from the postage of letters formed no inconsiderable part of the revenue, which the crown of Great Britain derived from these colonies. In the hands of

Franklin, it is said, that the post office in America · yielded annually thrice as much as that of Ireland.

The American colonies were much exposed to depredations on their frontiers by the Indians; and, more particularly, whenever a war took place between France and England. The colonies, individually, were either too weak to take efficient measures for their own defence, or they were unwilling to take upon themselves the whole burden of erecting forts and maintaining garrisons, whilst their neighbours, who partook equally with themselves of the advantages, contributed nothing to the expense. Sometimes also the disputes, which subsisted between the governors and assenıblies, prevented the adoption of means of defence; as we have seen was the case in Pennsylvania in 1745. To devise a plan of union between the colonies, to regulate this and other matters, appeared a desirable object. To accomplish this, in the year 1754, commissioners from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland met at Albany. Dr. Franklin attended here, as a commissioner from Pennsylvania, and produced a plan, which, from the place of meeting has been usually termed, “ The Albany Plan of Union.” This proposed, that application should be made for an act of parliament, to establish in the colonies a general government, to be administered by a president general, appointed by the crown, and by a grand council, consisting of members, chosen by the representatives of the different colonies; their number to be in direct proportion to the sums paid by each colony into the general trcasury, with this restriction, that no colony should have more than seven, nor less than two representatives. The whole executive authority was committed to the president general. Thie power of legislation was lodged in the grand council and president general jointly ; his consent being made necessary to passing a bill into a law. The power vested in the president and council was, to declare war and peace, and to conclude treaties with the Indian nations ; to regulate trade with, and to make purchases of vacant lands from them, either in the name of the crown, or of the union ; to settle new colonies, to make laws for governing these, until they should be erected into se. parate governments; and to raise troops, build forts, and fit ont armned vessels, and to use other means, foi the general defence; and to effect these things, a power was given to make laws, laying such duties, im

posts, or taxes, as they should find necessary, and as would be least burdensome to the people. All laws were to be sent to England for the king's approbation ; and unless disapproved of within three years, were to remain in force. All officers of the land or sea service were to be nominated by the president general, and approved of by the general council; civil officers were to be nominated by the council, and approved of by the president. Such are the outlines of the plan proposed, for the consideration of the congress, by Dr. Franklin. After several days discussion, it was unanimously agreed to by the commissioners, a copy transmitted to each assembly, and one to the king's council. The fate of it was singular. It was disapproved of by the ministry of Great Britain, because it gave too much power to the representatives of the people, and it was rejected by every assembly, as giving to the president general, the representative of the crown, an influence greater than appeared to them proper, in a plan of govern ment intended for freemen. Perhaps this rejection, on both sides, is the strongest proof that could be adduced of the excellence of it, as suited to the situation of America and Great Britain at that time. It appears to have steered exactly in the middle, between the opposite interests of both.

Whether the adoption of this plan would have prevented the separation of America from Great Britain, is a question which might afford mạch room for speculation. It may be said, that, by enabling the colonies to defend themselves, it would have removed the pretext upon which the stamp act, tea act, and other acts of the British parliament were passed; which excited a spirit of opposition, and laid the foundation for the separation of the two countries. But, on the other hand, it must be admitted, that the restriction laid by Great Britain upon our commerce, obliging us to sell our produce to her citizens only, and to take from them various articles, of which, as our manufacturers were discouraged, we stood in need, at a price greater than that for which they could have been obtained from other nations, must inevitably produce dissatisfaction, even though no duties were imposed by the parliament; à circumstance which might still have taken place. Besides, as the president general was to be appointed by the crown, he must of necessity, be devoted to its views, and would, therefore, refuse to assent to any laws, however salutary to the community, which had the most remote tendency to injure the interests of his sovereign. Even should they receive his assent, the approbation of the king was to be necessary; who would

to defend may be said ht afford mtrom Great

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