the occasion; and I have lately heard, that, though I was thought much to blame, it being understood that every man who holds an office should act with the ministry, whether agreeable or not to his own judgment, yet, in consideration of the goodness of my private character (as they were pleased to compliment me), the office was not to be taken from me.

Possibly they may still change their minds, and remove me; but no apprehension of that sort will, I trust, make the least alteration in my political conduct. My rule, in which I have always found satisfaction, is, never to turn aside in public affairs through views of private interest; but to go straight forward in doing what appears to me right at the time, leaving the consequences with Providence. What in my younger days enabled me more easily to walk upright, was, that I had a trade, and that I knew I could live upon little; and thence (never having had views of making a fortune) I was free from avarice, and contented with the plentiful supplies my business afforded me. And now it is still more easy for me to preserve my freedom and integrity, when I consider that I am almost at the end of my journey, and therefore need less to complete the expense of it; and that what I now possess, through the blessing of God, may, with tolerable economy, be sufficient for me (great misfortunes excepted), though I should add nothing more to it by any office or employment whatsoever.

I send you by this opportunity the two books you wrote for. They cost three shillings apiece. When I was first in London, about forty-five years since, I knew a person, who had an opinion something like your author's. Her name was Ilive, a printer's widOw. She died soon after I left England, and by her will obliged her son to deliver publicly, in Salters' 63

VOL. VII.

PP *

Hall, a solemn discourse, the purport of which was to prove, that this world is the true Hell, or place of punishment for the spirits, who had transgressed in a better state, and were sent here to suffer for their sins in animals of all sorts. It is long since I saw

the discourse, which was printed. I think a good deal of Scripture was cited in it, and that the supposition was, that, though we now remembered nothing of such a preëxistent state, yet after death we might recollect it, and remember the punishments we had suffered, so as to be the better for them; and others, who had not yet offended, might now behold and be warned by our sufferings.

In fact, we see here, that every lower animal has its enemy, with proper inclinations, faculties, and weapons, to terrify, wound, and destroy it; and that men, who are uppermost, are devils to one another; so that, on the established doctrine of the goodness and justice of the great Creator, this apparent state of general and systematical mischief seemed to demand some such supposition as Mrs. Ilive's, to account for it consistently with the honor of the Deity. But our reasoning powers, when employed about what may have been before our existence here, or shall be after it, cannot go far, for want of history and facts. Revelation only can give us the necessary information, and that, in the first of these points especially, has been very sparingly afforded us.

I hope you continue to correspond with your friends at Philadelphia. My love to your children; and believe me ever your affectionate brother,

B. FRANKLIN.

FROM SAMUEL COOPER TO B. FRANKLIN.

Trial of Captain Preston. It ought to make a favorable Impression on the British Government.

DEAR SIR,

Boston, 1 January, 1771.

In my last, of November 15th, I mentioned the use I had made of the sentiments you were pleased to communicate to me, and the effect they had upon the leading men of our House of Commons. I did this with such caution, as that no disadvantage can accrue to you from any quarter. The same caution I shall ever use respecting my friends on your side of the water, who are so good as to write to me with freedom in these troublesome times. I the rather mention this, because it has been industriously reported here, that you and Governor Pownall have been questioned on your letters to America.

You will hear, before this reaches you, of the acquittal of Captain Preston, and the soldiers concerned in the action of the 5th of March. Instead of meeting with any unfair or harsh treatment, they had every advantage that could possibly be given them in a court of justice, in the disposition of judges, in the appointment of the jury, in the zeal and ability of the lawyers, in the examination of witnesses, and in the length of the trials, unexampled I believe both in Britain and the colonies in a capital case; by which the accused had the fairest opportunity, several days after the evidence for the crown had been given in, of producing and arranging their own. These trials, one would think, may wipe off the imputation of our being so violent and bloodthirsty a people, as not to permit law and justice to take place on the side of

unpopular men; and I hope our friends will make this use of them; though they have not, as far as my observation reaches, at all altered the opinion of the people in general of that tragical scene.

There seems now to be a pause in politics. The agreement of the merchants is broken; administration has a fair opportunity of adopting the mildest and most prudent measures respecting the colonies, without the appearance of being threatened or drove; the circumstances of Europe lead to such measures, and are sufficient to show the propriety of securing the affections, as well as the submission, of the colonies. I doubt not of your ability and readiness to employ these and many more arguments, than I can pretend to hint at, in your negotiations for us; and, should government be so temperate and just, as to place us on the old ground on which we stood before the Stamp Act, there is no danger of our rising in our demands.

I send this by the only son of our friend Mr. Bowdoin, a young gentleman whose good qualities have raised the most agreeable hopes in his friends. He leaves the College and takes this voyage chiefly on account of his health, and is followed by the warmest good wishes of all who are acquainted with him. I am, Sir, with the greatest esteem, &c.

SAMUEL COOPER.

TO THOMAS CUSHING.

Right of Parliament to tax the Colonies. Enemies to Colonial Rights.—Minister refuses to admit an Agent from the Assembly. — Terms upon which the Colonies would be satisfied. Intention of the Government to make Governors and other civil Officers in America independent of the People.

SIR,

London, 5 February, 1771.

Since mine of December 24th, I have been honored by the letter from the Committee, dated December 17th, which, with yours of November 6th, now lies before me.

The doctrine of the right of Parliament to lay taxes on America is now almost generally given up here, and one seldom meets in conversation with any, who continue to assert it. But there are still many, who think that the dignity and honor of Parliament, and of the nation, are so much engaged, as that no formal renunciation of the claim is ever to be expected. We ought to be contented, they say, with a forbearance of any attempt hereafter to exercise such right; and this they would have us rely on as a certainty. Hints are also given, that the duties now subsisting may be gradually withdrawn, as soon as a regard to that dignity will permit it to be decently done, without subjecting government to the contempt of all Europe, as being compelled into measures by the refractoriness of the colonies. How far this may be depended on, no one can say. The presumption rather is, that if, by time, we become so accustomed to these, as to pay them without discontent, no minister will afterwards think of taking them off, but rather be encouraged to add others.