Parliaments are the only judges of what we can and what we ought to contribute in this case; and that the English Parliament has no right to take our money without our consent. In fact, the British empire is not a single state; it comprehends many; and, though the Parliament of Great Britain has arrogated to itself the power of taxing the colonies, it has no more right to do so, than it has to tax Hanover. We have the same King, but not the same legislatures. The dispute between the two countries has already lost England many millions sterling, which it has lost in its commerce, and America has in this respect been a proportionable gainer. This commerce consisted principally of superfluities; objects of luxury and fashion, which we can well do without; and the resolution we have formed of importing no more, till our grievances are redressed, has enabled many of our infant manufactures to take root; and it will not be easy to make our people abandon them in future, even should a connexion more cordial than ever succeed the present troubles. I have, indeed, no doubt that the Parliament of England will finally abandon its present pretensions, and leave us to the peaceable enjoyment of our rights and privileges. B. FRANKLIN. TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN. London, 3 October, 1770. MY DEAR CHILD, I received your kind letter of August 16th, which gave me a great deal of satisfaction. I am glad your little grandson recovered so soon of his illness, as I see you are quite in love with him, and that your happiness is wrapped up in his; since your whole long letter is made up of the history of his pretty actions. It was very prudently done of you not to interfere, when his mother thought fit to correct him; which pleased me the more, as I feared, from your fondness of him, that he would be too much humored, and perhaps spoiled. There is a story of two little boys in the street; one was crying bitterly; the other came to him to ask what was the matter; "I have been," says he, "for a pennyworth of vinegar, and I have broke the glass, and spilled the vinegar, and my mother will whip me." "No she won't whip you," says the other. "Indeed, she will," says he. "What,” says the other, "have you then got ne'er a grandmother?" I am sorry I did not send one of my books to Mr. Rhoads, since he was desirous of seeing it. My love to him, and to all inquiring friends. Mrs. West was here to-day, and desired me to mention her love to you. Mr. Strahan and family are all well, always inquire how you all do, and send their love. Mrs. Stevenson is at present in the country. But Polly sends her love to you, and Mrs. Bache, and the young gentleman. I am, as ever, your affectionate husband, B. FRANKLIN. FROM SAMUEL COOPER TO B. FRANKLIN. Prospect of a Speedy Reconciliation of the Differences between the two Countries not encouraging. - Dr. Franklin appointed Agent for Massachusetts. DEAR SIR, Boston, 6 November, 1770. My state of health, and excursions upon that account into the country, must be my excuse for not taking an earlier notice of your very obliging packet of the 8th of June, for which I return you my particular thanks. Your letter and replies to Mr. Strahan's questions gave me great pleasure, though the closing and prophetic part, coming from one so capable of discerning amidst the uncertainties of futurity, which may probably take place, could not but impress me with melancholy ideas.* Some of them have since been realized, but may Heaven forbid a further fulfilment. In this wish, I doubt not of your own hearty concurrence; for I do not take you to be of the turn of Swift's physicians, of whom he somewhere says, "They rather choose that I should die, and yet I am afraid I shall not soon see you thoroughly refuted by events. So many hope to find their own interest in misrepresentations, so many seem willing to be deceived, and so much art is employed to make whatever is thought convenient appear just and true, that the happy day for establishing the prosperity of Great Britain by composing the troubles, and insuring to her the united affections of America, seems to be at too great a dis tance. We ought not, however, to be discouraged from employing the most likely means to promote so desirable an end. Such a means I esteem the choice, which our House of Representatives have made of you to be their agent. Your letter came most seasonably for this. I communicated it with great caution, knowing the delicacy the times require. I allowed, however, some of the leading members of the House in confidence to read your sentiments. They expressed the highest satisfaction; and, though it was objected, that you were agent for other provinces, and we ought to enlarge the number of our friends, and that you and your son, the governor, held places of importance under the crown; and though the House, from various causes, had been much divided respecting an agent; yet such was their opinion of your abilities and integrity, that a majority readily confided the affairs of the province at this critical season to your care. I am this moment told the vessel is just upon sailing. I must break off. You see the hurry of this script, but it is to a friend. I shall write more fully soon. Your very respectful, &c. SAMUEL COOPER. FROM SAMUEL COOPER TO B. FRANKLIN. Political Relations between Massachusetts and the Mother Country. DEAR SIR, Boston, 15 November, 1770. I wrote to you on the 6th instant, acknowledging the receipt of your very obliging packet of June 8th, and mentioning the use I should make of the letter and papers among some of the leading men in our House of Representatives, in whom I could confide. They agreed with me, that your principles are incontestable, your reasoning clear and conclusive, and supported by history and fact. The King has an undoubted right to absolve any of his subjects from their allegiance to himself; certainly then from their subjection to Parliament, which was evidently done by our charters. The security for every reasonable advantage we can afford our fellow subjects in Britain is, that their sovereign is ours; that, living with them as the superior state, he may be supposed to have a predilection for them; that the consent of a governor appointed by himself and removable at his pleasure is necessary to constitute a law; that, even their laws, for I particularly refer to the Massachusetts, the chief object of jealousy and malice, are subject to the royal control by the advice of a British Council; that the governor has a negative, which creates a greater dependence, than the choice of the Council by the representatives in conjunction with themselves; and that the governor has the appointment of all officers, civil and military, the advice and consent of the Council having long been reduced to a mere shadow, which creates naturally a great interest in the Lower House, and among the body of the people, in favor of prerogative. To all which may be added the natural affection of an infant colony to the parent state, unless subdued by hard usage, and the natural authority of the latter over the former. Whoever takes a view of these advantages collectively and in all their extent, as they have in fact been found to operate, must be convinced, that, had things been left exactly as they stood before the Stamp Act, Britain would have been far from having any just reason to complain of the independence of our constitution. We had, indeed, scarce any thing left on the side of privilege, but the granting of our own moneys for the support of government, and the furnishing of necessary military aids to the crown. This palladium seems about to leave us; for, after all the complaints made of our obstinacy and ungovernableness, we are daily paying taxes not granted by us, but exacted from us for both these purposes; so that we are in a worse |