the friends of America were run upon and hurt by them, and how much the Grenvillians triumphed. I have just written a paper for next Tuesday's Chronicle to extenuate matters a little.*

Mentioning Colonel Onslow reminds me of something, that passed at the beginning of this session in the House between him and Mr. Grenville. The latter had been raving against America, as traitorous, rebellious, &c., when the former, who has always been its firm friend, stood up and gravely said, that in reading the Roman history he found it was a custom among that wise and magnanimous people, whenever the senate was informed of any discontent in the provinces, to send two or three of their body into the discontented provinces, to inquire into the grievances complained of, and report to the senate, that mild measures might be used to remedy what was amiss, before any severe steps were taken to enforce obedience; that this example he thought worthy of our imitation in the present state of our colonies, for he did so far agree with the honorable gentleman, that spoke just before him, as to allow there were great discontents among them. He should therefore beg leave to move, that two or three members of Parliament be appointed to go over to New England on this service. And that it might not be supposed he was for imposing burdens on others, which he would not be willing to bear himself, he did at the same time declare his own willingness, if the House should think fit to appoint them, to go over thither with that honorable gentleman. Upon this there was a great laugh, which continued some time, and was rather increased by Mr. Grenville's asking, "Will the gentleman engage, that I shall be

* This piece was published January 7th, 1768. See Vol. IV. p. 242.

safe there? Can I be assured that I shall be allowed to come back again to make the report?" As soon as the laugh was so far subsided, as that Mr. Onslow could be heard again, he added, "I cannot absolutely engage for the honorable gentleman's safe return; but, if he goes thither upon this service, I am strongly of opinion the event will contribute greatly to the future quiet of both countries." On which the laugh was renewed and redoubled.

If our people should follow the Boston example in entering into resolutions of frugality and industry, full as necessary for us as for them, I hope they will among other things give this reason, that it is to enable them more speedily and effectually to discharge their debts to Great Britain. This will soften a little, and at the same time appear honorable and like ourselves.* Yours, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* These sentiments accorded with those of Washington. When it was proposed in Virginia to enter into an agreement, neither to import goods from Great Britain, nor to export produce, with the view of distressing the British trade, and thereby inducing Parliament to repeal the obnoxious acts, he was in favor of restraining imports, but opposed to the adoption of any measures for prohibiting exports, because it would obstruct the payment of debts due in Great Britain. “The stopping of our exports," said he, "would no doubt be a shorter method than the other to effect the purpose; but, if we owe money to Great Britain, nothing but the last necessity can justify the non-payment of it; and, therefore, I have great doubts on this head, and wish to see the other method first tried, which is legal and will facilitate the payments." See Sparks's edition of Washington's Writings, Vol. II. pp. 351, 395. Of the above letter of Franklin to his son, a part, which is here omitted, will be found in Vol. I. p. 212.

VOL. VII.

FF

FROM THOMAS POWNALL TO B. FRANKLIN.

On the equal Communication of the Rights and Privileges of Great Britain to America.

DEAR SIR,

[Date uncertain.]

The following objection against communicating to the colonies the rights, privileges, and powers of the realm, as to parts of the realm, has been made. I have been endeavouring to obviate it, and I communicate it to you, in hopes of your promised assistance.

"If," say the objectors, "we communicate to the colonies the power of sending representatives, and ́in consequence expect them to participate in an equal share and proportion of all our taxes; we must grant to them all the powers of trade and manufacturing, which any other parts of the realm within the Isle of Great Britain enjoy. If so, perchance the profits of the Atlantic commerce may converge to some centre in America; to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, or to some of the isles. If so, then the natural and artificial produce of the colonies, and in course of consequences the landed interest of the colonies, will be promoted; while the natural and artificial produce and landed interest of Great Britain will be depressed to its utter ruin and destruction; and, consequently, the balance of the power of government, although still within the realm, will be locally transferred from Great Britain to the colonies. Which consequence, however it may suit a citizen of the world, must be folly and madness to a Briton."

My fit is gone off; and though weak, both from the gout and a concomitant and very ugly fever, I am much better. Would be glad to see you. Your friend, T. POWNALL.

DR. FRANKLIN'S ANSWER.

This objection goes upon the supposition, that whatever the colonies gain, Britain must lose; and that if the colonies can be kept from gaining an advantage, Britain will gain it.

If the colonies are fitter for a particular trade than Britain, they should have it, and Britain apply to what it is more fit for. The whole empire is a gainer. And if Britain is not so fit or so well situated for a particular advantage, other countries will get it, if the colonies do not. Thus Ireland was forbid the woollen manufacture, and remains poor; but this has given to the French the trade and wealth Ireland might have gained for the British empire.

The government cannot long be retained without the union. Which is best (supposing your case) to have a total separation, or a change of the seat of government? It by no means follows, that promoting and advancing the landed interest in America will depress that of Britain; the contrary has always been the fact. Advantageous situations and circumstances will always secure and fix manufactures. Sheffield against all Europe these three hundred years past.

TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN.

Change of Ministers. Boston Resolutions.

DEAR SON,

London, 9 January, 1768.

We have had so many alarms of changes, which did not take place, that just when I wrote it was thought the ministry would stand their ground. However, im

mediately after, the talk was renewed, and it soon appeared that the Sunday changes were actually settled. Mr. Conway resigns and Lord Weymouth takes his place. Lord Gower is made President of the Council in the room of Lord Northington. Lord Shelburne is stripped of the American business, which is given to Lord Hillsborough as secretary of state for America, a new distinct department. Lord Sandwich, it is said, comes into the postoffice in his place. Several of the Bedford party are now to come in.

How these changes may affect us, a little time will show. Little at present is thought of but elections, which gives me hopes that nothing will be done against America this session, though the Boston Gazette had occasioned some heats, and the Boston Resolutions a prodigious clamor. I have endeavoured to palliate matters for them as well as I can. I send you my manuscript of one paper, though I think you take the Chronicle. The editor of that paper, one Jones, seems a Grenvillian, or is very cautious, as you will see by his corrections and omissions. He has drawn the teeth and pared the nails of my paper, so that it can neither scratch nor bite. It seems only to paw and mumble. I send you also two other late pieces of mine. There is another which I cannot find.*

The effect produced by the Boston resolutions in England is described in a similar manner by Mr. William Samuel Johnson, the agent from Connecticut, in a letter to Governor Pitkin, dated London, December 26th, 1767.

"The next thing," says Mr. Johnson, "that occurred, to give any disturbance, was the intelligence from Boston, that they had entered into an agreement not to import or use a great variety of British manufactures, but to set on foot and encourage manufactures of the like kind amongst themselves. This was received by very many with great indignation, and at first seemed to threaten some mischief. Pains were therefore taken, by the friends of the colonies, to excuse this proceeding, and to place it in as favorable light as it would bear, as