gions of Darius; that customs were common which have ceased to influence; or dynasties established which no longer exist. To contemplate the transactions of antiquity, however disastrous, or however beneficial, at the time when they took place, is but to gaze upon a scene where we know storms to have raged that have left no vestige behind them, or plenty to have once glad dened what may now be a waste of desolation. How differ ent the impression, when we look on the fresh prints of the earthquake, with the ground yet trembling under foot, or wel come the dawn of the shunshine that is to enrich while it illumines, to fertilise as well as to delight! There is one light in which modern history has been considered, that cannot properly be omitted in a review of the study, although it may appear to argue more of piety than of judgment in the persons with whom it has originated. It is the professed object of several writers, and especially of a recent author, to treat the whole series of modern events as a scheme of Providential government, laid down with all the coherence and the unity of a moral drama. But though few will be found hardy or impious enough to deny, that the disposition of human affairs, in all ages and in every country, must be under the immediate influence of the Divine control, and that there must exist some grand and ultimate aim, to which the various combinations of events are slowly and silently directed, it seems too arduous an undertaking to analyse the system of Providential agency, or to point out with absolute precision the result it is intended to produce. Distinct and minor portions of modern history may indeed afford fit subjects for an attempt that is always laudable in the design, if not always happy in the choice of materials. Thus the History of the Reformation, for instance, will yield an example, where the aim of Divine interference is clearly discernible, and the means employed are strongly and distinctly marked. As a splendid Episode in modern anuals, it may, with this view, be very usefully contemplated. But it is ancient history, in reality, that presents the most favourable field for observations of such a tendency. Looking to the most important and interesting event that ever took place in the annals of mankind, as the end proposed by Providence, there is a regular system of converging causes plainly and palpably exposed. It is a Drama complete in all, its parts. Each separate incident, on this magnificent scale of action, evidently 'Miller's Philosophy of Modern History. tends towards the awful and sublime catastrophe: and no sooner is the end accomplished, than the system begins to dissolve! The seeds of ruin had already begun to unfold themselves in the bosom of the Roman Empire, while Judea was witnessing the fulfilment of those great designs, in aid of which that empire had been suffered to obtain successive mastery over all her rivals, and, in the words of one of her own Cæsars,' to arrive at such a satiety of glory as made her willing to give peace to the world. This striking and illus trious fact may also serve to explain, why the Christian Reli-" gion, the establishment of which was one conspicuous result of the event alluded to, cannot be considered, like the influence of the Roman law, a bond of connexion between the ancient and modem systems. Although founded under the first, its chief operation and authority have been reserved to adorn and benefit the last. From the time of its earliest appearance, the historian has to relate the gradual decline of Roman dominion, until the period when it was finally subverted, and modern history com mences. It must not be forgotten, likewise, that for thus examining the plan of the Divine dealings in the ancient world, there is an unerring guide to regulate inquiry. An interpretation not to be mistrusted accompanies the volumes of antiquity. The predictions of the inspired writers, and especially the famous prophecies of Daniel, form a key to the most remarkable and authentic facts which are recorded in them. The fated revolutions of empires, the destined agents to be employed, the very times of action appointed, are specified with a boldness which bespeaks the confidence of truth, and an accuracy which must confound the Pyrrhonist whom it fails to convince. We are left to wander in no labyrinth of conjecture: the path is open, and the clue is in our hands. There is no such assistance to direct our efforts in unravelling the Providential scheme of modern history. The attempts of ingenious men to apply the book of Revelations to this purpose have not been characterised by much success, nor productive of any certainty. In contemplating, from that earliest point which has been fixed for their commencement, the succession of modern transactions, we look along a vista whose termination cannot yet be ascertained. No event that has hitherto occurred, within the period designated, can be compared in its magnitude › Tacit. Annal. }. 12, c. xi. or its effects, to that which has been pointed out as the grand end of the Divine government throughout the ages of antiquity, though it might not exactly synchronise with their conclusion: and our prospective view is necessarily bounded and obscure. In treating of particular cases, the philosophy which teaches by examples may sometimes be prophetic;-but how shall it presume to sketch out a general plan for Almighty wisdom? how pretend to fathom the uncompleted counsels of Omnipotence? Since, then, modern history presents no entire and absolute Whole, upon which reason might be exercised with confidence; and since all light from higher sources is either withheld, or only partially vouchsafed; speculations of this nature are better restricted to a more suitable and certain range. The absurdities into which the most powerful and philosophic minds have been betrayed, in the endeavour to apply the study we have been considering to an object for which it is not adapted, denote the futility of the attempt. But there is at least one grand and interesting corollary to be drawn from its details, which may be announced without the fear of seeming visionary, and affirmed without the rashness of presumption.-If analogy instruct us to believe, that the destined end of the present system of affairs will display at once the wisdom and benevolence of the great Being by whom its operations are controled,patriotism may teach us to hope, that a Country, which has hitherto sustained so proud a part in modern history, will not be without a most important share in adjusting the final dispositions of the world! D. K. SANDFÖRD, B. À. REMARKS On the different methods of Ploughing adopted by the Romans, being a specimen of a new Translation, with Notes particularly illustrative of the didactic precepts, of the first Georgic of Virgil. THE following is the ancient plough of Hesiod and Virgil, delineated in the edition of Virgil by Paul Sandby; and taken from a medallion of Ceres, Ex numismate Gentis Vibiæ, ex Begeri Thesaur. Tom. ii. page 593. Spectat Geor. i. v. 170. d. The Stiva, with its manicula at e. The first Georgic of Virgil is divided into three parts. The first division consists of an "Exordium," and an Invocation in epic measure: the middle, of a series of didactic precepts,~ in what Servius calls a middle style, except where his subject admits of a higher strain of poetry, of which he always contrives to take advantage: and the third, of a prayer to the Gods for the safety of Rome, and the welfare of Octavius Cæsar. The following is a specimen of a new Translation of the first Georgic of Virgil, with notes subjoined, and is confined to the mode of ploughing described by that author: the metrical translation beginning at Vere novo, v. 43, and the notes at Illa sèges, v. 47. The design of this article is to explain the operative part of the husbandry of the Romans, (a task not hitherto undertaken by any practical agriculturist, and consequently not executed with any degree of precision,) as well as the classical diction of the poem. VERE novo, gelidus canis cùm montibus humor Before the precepts are minutely investigated, it will be necessary, in taking a general view of the Roman husbandry, to premise, that it consisted of two distinct methods of managing the corn-lands, (agros frumentarios); and the field destined for tillage was either cailed 66 campus novalis," or ager restibilis:" the "novalis" was what is now denominated "convertible ground," at one time in pasture, and at another in tillage, with an intervening fallow, in process of time forming a decomposed mould (putre solum): and the "restibilis" was in "perpetual tillage" without fallow on a rich soil, (pingue solum). Varro, who was extremely fond of derivations, having himself written a grammatical treatise on the Latin language, thus defines "novalis," De Re R. 1. i. 29. Novalis est ubi satum fuit antequam secundâ aratione renovetur: i. e. the "novalis" is that land, which has formerly been under the plough, before it happens to be subsequently renewed by a fresh ploughing. And the "restibilis" he derives a restando, quia Liquitur, et Zephyro putris se gleba resolvit ; With trickling rills, and mellow'd soils remit Let the strong ox his lab'ring toil begin, restat novali quiescente: i. e. it remains in action whilst the "novalis" is quiescent.- Restare means "to keep its station." Thus Prop. 1. iii. 8. 21. Dum vincunt Danai dum restat barbarus Hector. And Ovid, Fast. l. i. v. 151.. Restant tibi frigora restunt. By keeping this distinction in view, the frequent allusions in the poem, either to the one or the other, may easily be comprehended, especially by those who have any knowledge of agriculture. The first mode of ploughing to which Virgil systematically adverts is the "novalis:" this was performed, as will be more fully explained by various quoted authorities, by ploughing first a deep furrow, and the surface turf being cut through to the depth of a few inches, which was technically called terram proscindere, was deposited in the bottom of this first prepared deep furrow, and the returning plough making a second bout in the same furrow, penetrated a few inches deeper, and covered the buried turf with the subjacent earth thus brought to the surface: and a dous ble portion of time was allowed to the ploughman to perform this "proscission." On this process Pliny remarks: l. xviii. c. 19. Priusquam ares, proscindito: Hoc utilitatem habet quod inverso cespite herbarum radices necantur. In this state it remained, from the time of its first ploughing, extemplo a mensibus anni, till the summer solstice following, when it received a second ploughing called "terram offringere:" this was generally across the first "proscinded" furrow. Thus Pliny, 1. xviii. c. 19. Omne aroum rectis sulcis, mox et obliquis subigi debet. Again, quoting Festus; Offringi terra dicitur cum iterum transverso sulco aratur. After this followed the "occation," or the comminuting the concrete masses of the glebe by the rake, mattock, &c. It then remained at rest during the winter; and a third ploughing called "iteration" succeeded in the spring, with the "occation" also if required; this Virgil describes as having felt the pulverising effects of two summers and two winters; the whole then became what the rural writers call putre solum (a decomposed or mellow mould). The soil being reduced by the plough, by subsequent hard labor, and by atmospheric influence, was sufficiently adapted to the production of corn without manure. The seed-wheat being then sown in the autumn was covered by the "sarrition" of the rake, or "sarculation" of the hoe, by dint of manual labor: but it was deemed a slovenly practice to have recourse to the "occation" after the seed was sown. The wheat from this course of preparation was accounted more abundant at harvest, more nutritious, and less liable to ble mish, than by any other mode of culture. That Corn-field, v. 47. Illå seges, Seges in the first acceptation of |