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CHAP. VI.

Agricultural Distress Discussions on this Subject-Mr. Whitmore's Motion for a Reduction in the Import Price of Corn-Improvement in the Situation of the Agricultural Interest-Mr. Western's Motion on the Currency-Equitable Adjustment of Contracts-Re-appointment of the Committee on Foreign Trade-Warehousing Bill Reci procity of Duties Bill-Beer Bill-Attempted Repeal of the Laws regulating the Silk Trade.

ON

N the 14th of February, the report of the committee of supply being brought up,sir Thomas Lethbridge said, that, although he was gratified to find that in the last paragraph of the royal speech the landed interest was characterized as the most important in the country, he regretted that government had not pledged itself to give the great question of agricultural depression that attention which its importance seemed obviously to demand. He was afraid that the landholders of England were to be left during another session in the depressed situation of which it was impossible for government not to be fully aware, unless they had forgotten the five hundred petitions which had been laid, last session, on the table of the House. He professed the most unqualified respect for the talents and character of ministers, and yet could not but view their having failed to propose some specific measure on this subject as a dereliction of their duty. He conceived the depressed state of the landed interest could be ascribed only to the impolitic conduct of the legislature. The importation of produce, from foreign countries, to be sold in the English market

at a price with which the home grower could not compete, and our return to a metallic currency, were the main causes in which agricultural distress originated. The hon. baronet thought himself entitled to call the attention of government once more to the subject.

Mr. Canning, while he was far from finding fault with the hon. baronet for having availed himself of the opportunity, which had presented itself, of alluding to the question of agricultural distress, thought he did his majesty's ministers injustice, fn supposing that they had not, on all occasions, been anxious to adopt any practicable measure of direct relief, and not still look with the most sincere sympathy to distresses, which every one must acknowledge and deplore. If ministers had been able to devise any practicable plan of relief, they would have been the first to propose it; but as they were convinced that no such plan was within their reach, they were surely justifiable in not deluding the country, by making promises which they knew they could not perform. He assured the House, that the subject had never been lost sight of by the members

of administration. He had for a time been sanguine of success; but having been ultimately compelled to abandon a certain measure, which he once imagined might have been beneficial, he resolved not to agitate again, what could end only in disappointment, and have the effect of exciting hopes which it would be impossible to realize. Accordingly, while he professed that govern ment did not see their way to any direct measure for immediate relief, he assured the hon. baronet that any proposal of his own, bearing on the question, would be received on the part of the government, as it certainly would on the part of the House, with the most anxious and deliberate attention. The hon. gentleman was unwilling to enter into the disputed point, whether the remission of taxes would afford direct relief, or whether its remedial effect on the agriculture of the country would only be collateral. He said that government had, at all events, thought it their duty to consider this question, and consequently, that the only measure directed to the relief of the agriculture of the country would be comprised in the intended remission of direct taxation, which would soon be submitted to the consideration of the House. And he trusted, that, as the landed interest was the foundation of all others, it would gradually advance with them, and that the relief thus brought, though not so rapid and immediate as might be desired, would be steady and permanent in its operation.

Mr. Curwen lamented that ministers could promise no relief to the agricultural interest. Although he did not hesitate to say that the country was in a more perilous situation than any in which it had hitherto stood, he saw no prospect

of amelioration except from a direct remission of the taxation which immediately affected the landed interest, and, for this purpose, he proposed charging the funds with a fair proportion of the poor rates. He maintained that this would be beneficial even to the holders of funded property, in as far as it might possibly avert a crisis, which, once arrived, would be more fatal to the fundholders than to any of the other interests taken singly. He allowed, that some benefit would arise from a diminution of taxation, but he insisted strongly on the necessity and justice of making the burdens fall equally on all classes of the people. He thought it much bet ter to have this done at once, than to wait till the agricultural interest should be ruined. He thought that the present distress arose, not from over production, but from lessened consumption, which would operate a diminution in the quantity produced, till that would be insufficient for the demands of the country. In the course of these remarks, the hon. gentleman stated more than once, that he, by no means, wished to break faith with the public creditor. He only thought it unfair, that one interest in the country should be overladen, while another bore no part of the burden.

Mr. Robertson went into an argument, to prove that the system of borrowing on ruinous terms, which had been adopted by this country for many years, was one great cause of the evils the people were now labouring under. It was quite evident to him, that it was this system of credit, which had plunged the country into those difficulties of which all classes were complaining: and he intimated his

intention of bringing forward a motion for the reduction of the interest on the national debt.

The discussion was resumed, however, on the 26th of February; when Mr. Whitmore brought under the consideration of the House the laws relating to the trade in Corn. Having stated that he differed entirely from those who thought that the discussion could tend only to increase the despondency which had already diffused itself so widely, and having removed the objection as to the time of discussion, he went on to show that the main feature of the question affecting the agricultural interests, was the principle of fluctuation. In illustration of his view, he supposed that a law, similar to the corn bill, had been adopted in Holland, which was an importing country, to a considerable extent. Then, in Holland there would be high prices for some years-a great appropriation of capital to agriculture -poor soil brought into cultivation -the breaking up of old pastures. Supposing the extent of territory sufficient, there would at length be, in average years, a produce sufficient for the consumption of the country; and, it was quite obvious, abundant crops would give considerably more than the necessary consumption. The superabundant quantity so produced would fall back on the market; the produce would, in consequence, fall in price, until it came down to that of the corn in the exporting markets. The result would be very considerable distress-destruction of capital-destruction of soil on account of the abstraction of manure-poor land forced out of cultivation-and, instead of abundance, there would be in two or three years a positive deficiency. VOL. LXV

Thus it appeared, that such a law could only operate, either in producing a superabundance and glut, which brought ruin to the farmer; or a great scarcity, which, in the end would be as injurious to the farmer as to other classes of the community. He drew this state of things with respect to Holland, and pointed out the analogy which his supposed case bore to that of England. Besides, he had documents to establish a fact, of which he had long been persuaded-that the consumption, now apparent and arising out of the low prices, was going on at a rate which could not be long supported. He referred to a letter which he had received from a Mr. Cropper of Liverpool, to prove that the consumption was going on at a far greater rate than the growth. He thought the political tendency of the present law was to subject the country to the greatest peril. If it did not answer its purpose, it was contemptible. If it did answer its purpose, the effects of it would be totally at variance with all that had hitherto been considered as practically beneficial. With regard to the operation of the existing law upon trade, the effects of it must be in the highest degree injurious to those manufactures which it ought to be our object to promote. The alteration, which he proposed should take place in the present law, was a reduction in the import price of two shillings a year, until it should fall to sixty shillings; because he was convinced that the quantity of foreign corn, which might be brought into our markets, when the price was so low as 60s., would be but trifling.

Mr. Curwen condemned the unwise course, which the hon. member had taken in introducing this question. Though he by no means

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approved of the law as it now stood, yet, he believed it to be the best we could have under existing circumstances. He thought what had been suggested by the hon, gentle man would effect no sufficient relief; but that a remission of those taxes, which bore most heavily on the poor, would be the surest means of re-establishing the prosperity of the country. "Take off the candle-tax," said the hon. gentleman, "which is one of 10s. yearly to every poor man in the country. Then instead of the cottager's being compelled to give 7d. for his candles, he would pay only 3d for the pound. Take off, also, the tax from the windows of his cottage. It should be entirely remitted to every cottage of a rental under 51., and this measure would relieve almost every labouring cottager. Then take off the remaining tax on malt. The taxation on the preceding articles would amount to about 18s., and adding the malt, you would cause so material a reduction, that the effect would soon be to call into cultivation millions of acres that are now unprofitable." He did not wish for great protecting prices, but he wished to see every acre of land, that could be made available, under cultivation. He hoped that funded property would be made to contribute its quota to the necessities of the state in the shape of taxes. Mr. Bennett, of Wilts, could not accede to the motion. He laid before the House the result of some very careful calculations, to show what beneficial effects were to be derived from persevering in a reduction of taxation. -Mr. Wodehouse argued, that any calculations as to the price at which corn could be imported must be fallacious. He could not agree to

the motion. Mr. Huskisson did not attempt to follow the very desultory discussion which had taken place since the speech of the hon. mover. He expressed his satisfaction at the fact, that the country could, consistently with public credit, make a considerable remission of the burthens which weighed upon the people; but he thought the hon. member for Cumberland had been very unfortunate in the selection of his two cases of taxation. The tax upon candles was very inconsiderable, and the labourer in agriculture, unless his house had more than six windows, paid no window tax at all. So that the window tax, and the tax on candles, of which Mr. Curwen proposed the repeal, were far from being severe in their operation. He did not think the present a fit time for making any alteration in the existing corn laws. The present system might possibly, by a great alteration in prices, be productive of serious consequences; but all immediate fears of such evils were groundless. He believed we had seen the worst of the low prices; for with the deterioration in cultivation (which he considered the most serious evil to the country), and the increase of consumption, he thought there was a fair prospect of that rise of prices which would materially serve the agriculturists without being a disadvantage to the other portions of the community. He thought a system of law which would continue the monopoly, would not be a permanent advantage to the agriculturists, but would considerably increase the burthens of the manufacturers. We should wait for the re-action of one of the causes of the low prices; and then, by a modification

of the law, we might have a regular and moderate importation, which would be the best regulator of prices that could be adopted, Fully impressed as he was with the justness of the principles of his hon. friend, he entreated him, for the present, to withdraw his motion,

Mr. Ricardo hoped his hon, friend would not withdraw his motion. For his own part he certainly would not oppose it, because he should be glad of any approach to a free trade in corn. But he thought his hon. friend did not go far enough; for he had left the mischief of a fixed price. Both his hon. friend and the right hon. gentleman had laid down the true principles of a corn law; namely, that a protecting duty should be imposed on foreign corn, equal to the peculiar burthens borne by the grower of corn in this country. But, when this was done, a fixed price should be done away altogether. In fact, his hon. friend had seemed a little uncertain as to his fixed price. He had taken it at 60s.; but he had stated, that if foreign corn could be imported at 558., he should have reduced it to that. He thought he had committed a great error in taking any fixed price at all. A duty should be imposed on corn imported, equal to the peculiar burthens borne by the grower of corn; and, in his opinion, a drawback or bounty to nearly the same amount should be allowed on corn exported. Then, and then only, would corn be kept at a price nearly equal in this, to what it was in other countries. If there was an abundant harvest, it would find a vent by means of the bounty; and, on the other hand, if there was a deficient sup ply, under the influence of the

duty, corn would be introduced as it was wanted, and not in the enormous quantities poured in under the existing law, when the price rose to a certain height. He should recommend, that the law for the amendment of the corn laws should come into operation long before corn had reached 80s.; and he should likewise recommend a system of duties and bounties, at first, in deference to those prejudices of which he thought we were too tender, higher than the amount of the peculiar burthens of the agriculturists, and gradually diminishing to an equality with the computed amount of those burthens. He thought the hon. member for Wiltshire quite erroneous in the calculations which he had entered into, to shew that the agriculturist paid taxes to the amount of 67 per cent. His mistake arose from his reckoning this per centage, not on the expense of growing corn, but on the rent. This he conceived to be a most unwarranted mode of calculation.

After Mr. Attwood and Colonel Wood had expressed their opinions against the motion, and Mr. Monck in favour of it, Mr. Hume de clared his intention of taking the sense of the House upon it. When the House divided, there was a majority of 78 to 25 against the motion.

These complaints of the agriculturists, though uttered so incessantly, and with so much confi→ dence, were rather the result of recollection of what was past than of observation of present circum stances. The evils which called forth their murmurs, were evidently diminishing; and by the beginning of summer, so evident was the amelioration to all, that

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