Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

for an indemnity in any thing that England, or the king of England, might have to suit them. Resistance to this band of congregated despots was a matter of duty, and the duty of England was in consequence plain. It behoved us, however, to take care that we did not rush blindly into a war. An appeal to arms ought to be the last alternative we should try; but still it ought never to be so foreign to our thoughts as to be conceived impossible, or so foreign from our counsels as to take us unprepared. The thunders of applause from both sides of the House, with which this speech was received, and which continued for some minutes after Mr. Brougham sat down, gave a most unequivocal attestation, both of the unanimous sentiments of the House, and of the oratorical power which produced so strong a manifestation of them. Sir Francis Burdett, sir J. Mackintosh, and Mr. Denman, followed on the same side, but with infinitely less effect. Mr. Canning, not having as yet been elected and returned a member of the House, was not present at the discussion. Mr. Peel was the only one of the ministers who spoke. He regretted, that Mr. Brougham should have used too strong expressions, and too sarcastic a severity against powers who were in alliance with us, and who did not deserve the sweeping invective with which they had been loaded. The recent conduct of Russia towards Turkey proved the injustice of the accusation respecting the spirit of aggression by which she was animated: for nothing could be more manifest, than that her policy of late had been marked by the greatest forbearance, and by a desire rather to avoid than to pro

mote war.

With respect to the Spanish question, the right hon. gentleman spoke to the same purport as lord Liverpool did in the House of Lords; though upon the whole, with even more reserve, and greater caution of language. He thought, that the grounds assigned by France for her interference were not adequate; but, supposing himself to be a Frenchman, he could not tell in what light the question might then present itself. There was still, he conceived, a chance, that peace might be preserved: and our duty was, to maintain a strict neutrality, and to mediate between angry parties, so as, if possible, to prevent the commencement of a war, the termination of which no man could foresee.

The Address was carried unanimously.

The favourable feelings expressed by the ministers towards Spain, and the still greater liberality of sentiment so unequivocally manifested in the House of Commons by the enthusiastic reception of Mr. Brougham's sarcastic eloquence and vehement invective, produced general satisfaction throughout the country, and excited deep attention in every part of Europe. At Madrid, the intelligence of the discusssion was received with exultation; the speeches of lord Liverpool and Mr. Brougham wère translated into Spanish, and were widely circulated, wherever, either in the old world or the new, that language was spoken. Their effect at Paris, was no less visible in the terms of dislike and disrespect with which lord Liverpool, and still more Mr. Canning, were mentioned in the Chamber of Deputies, by the violent partisans of Villèle and Chateaubriand.

CHAP. II.

Temporary suspension of Discussions in Parliament on the Negotiations relative to Spain-Questions put to the Ministers by Lord Lansdown and Mr. Brougham-Removal of the Prohibition of the Exportation of Arms to Spain-Papers relating to the Negotiations on the Spanish Question, laid before Parliament--Ministerial exposition of the course of Policy which the English Cabinet had followed: the first mention of diplomatic discussion relative to Spain: Proceedings at Verona: Negotiations at Paris: our communications with, and advice to, the Spanish Government: our Proceedings subsequent to the publication of the Speech of the King of France at the Opening of the Session of the Chambers: justification of a Pacific Policy-Motion for the Repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Bill-Debate in the House of Lords on the Negotiations relative to Spain: an Address, disapproving of the Conduct of Ministers, moved by Lord Ellenborough: grounds on which it was supported; amendment moved by Lord Granville: arguments against the Address-Debate in the House of Commons, during three nights, on the Spanish Negotiations: the Address moved by Mr. Macdonald, and an Amendment to it by Mr. S. Wortley: Speech of Mr. Wilberforce; Speeches of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir James Mackintosh, Mr. Peel, and Sir Francis Burdett: Mr. Canning's Speech; excellence of this Speech: Mr. Brougham's feeble Reply: manœuvre of the Opposition to avoid a Division of the House: result of the Division-Subsequent Motion of Lord Grey in the House of Lords-General state of feeling with respect to Spain throughout the progress of the Spanish War.

convic

MR. Canning took his seat on ters were pursuing, and a cut vind

the 12th of February, as one of the members for the borough of Harwich: but, for some weeks, a silence nearly complete was observed in both houses on the relations between France and Spain. This did not arise from indifference; for the public mind was all along fixed with eager anxiety on the issue of the existing crisis: but there prevailed a general feeling of confidence in the course of policy which our minis

tion, that, as the parliament people of England had already expressed their opinion strongly on the subject, further discussion would only be injurious, while our negotiations continued and any chance of peace remained. On the 24th of February, the marquis of Lansdown inquired of lord Liverpool, whether there was any hope that hostilities between France and Spain would be averted. Lord Liverpool stated in reply, that mat

ters had not yet arrived at the point which made the preservation of peace impossible; but deprecated any further discussion, as the negotiations were still continued. He added, that special circumstanees had occurred, some of them very recently, which made him more averse than before, to enter more fully into the subject. The forbearance, which parliament had already shown, had been of material advantage to the ministers in their negotiations with foreign powers; and that forbearance, he hoped, would be extended somewhat longer. The marquis of Lansdown then inquired, whether the country was perfectly unshackled as to the course, which, under future circumstances, it might be necessary to adopt with a view to its own interests or honour. Lord Liverpool replied, that we had entered into no engagement whatever that could prevent us from following any path which our honour or interests might prescribe.

M. de Chateaubriand, had, in one of his speeches, asserted, that the principles on which France proceeded, were admitted even by Mr. Canning; and, in proof of his assertion, he pretended to quote some passages from the official correspondence of the secretary for the foreign department. On the 28th of February, Mr. Brougham put a question to Mr. Canning, with respect to the colour given to the foreign policy of the British ministry in that speech of M. de Chateaubriand's, and more particularly with respect to a pretended quotation, given in it, from a note said to have been written by the right hon. secretary. Mr. Canning replied, that the extracts were not fairly given, and VOL. LXV.

that they conveyed, as absolute, propositions which, in fact, were stated with a qualification. The right hon. gentleman admitted, that the grounds of hoping for a continuance of peace had been greatly diminished; but he suggested, that while any hope remained, it would be improper to make a complete disclosure of all the circumstances connected with the late negotiations.

Upon the conclusion of peace between England and Spain, in 1814, an article was introduced into the treaty, which bound this country not to furnish succours to the South American colonies. In 1818, the de facto independence of these states having existed for several years, neutrality between them and the mother country required, either that the prohibition should be withdrawn, or that it should be extended to both parties. The latter course was the one which was adopted. But it was obvious, that, if this state of things were to remain unaltered upon the eve, and during the continuance, of a war between France and Spain, the latter power would be exposed to no small inconvenience from a prohibition which did not operate upon the former. Accordingly, when, from the tide of events, war became probable, his majesty's government stated to Spain, that there were two modes in which the difference between the privileges of France and those of Spain might be equalized by an order in council; either by prohibiting the exportation of arms and ammunition to France, or by removing the prohibition upon their exportation to Spain; but it was also stated, that his majesty's government could not remove that prohibition as it respected Spain, without removing it also as it re C

spected the South American colonies. The extension of the prohibition to France, would have been a prohibition in words only and not in fact; for the vicinity of the Belgic ports would have rendered indirect exportation to France so easy, that the prohibition of direct exportation would have been nugatory. Our government therefore, anxious to preserve a real and not merely a seeming neutrality, adopted the other mode of proceeding and issued an order in council, taking off the prohibition of exporting arms and ammunition to Spain.

On the 26th of March, lord Liverpool gave notice, that he would on the 14th of April, lay upon the table of the House the papers relative to the late negotiations on the state of affairs between France and Spain. The interval between this communication and the day appointed for the production of the papers, was filled up by the Easter holidays; for both houses adjourned to the 10th of April,-the Lords, from the 26th of March; and the Commons, from the 27th. A ridiculous enough attempt was made in the House of Commons to abridge, by a few days, the usual duration of the adjournment under the pretext, that, in so critical a state of Europe, the sittings of the house ought not to be suspended so long.

On the 14th of April, the diplomatic papers, relative to the negotiations on the relations between France and Spain, were laid before parliament ;* in the House of

These papers (with the exception of merely formal communications) will be found among the Public Documents in a subsequent part of this volume. Mr. Canning's share in this diplomatic correspondence deserves unqualified

Peers, by lord Liverpool, and in the Commons, by Mr. Canning. On this occasion, these two leading members of the cabinet entered into an exposition of the course of conduct which had been pursued by his majesty's government, and of the principles by which that conduct had been guided. When the duke of Wellington, said Mr. Canning, set out to join the Congress of Verona, it was not understood that it was in contemplation to discuss at that meeting the affairs of Spain. The matter, of which it was expected that the Congress would take cognizance, and to which the preparation of instructions had been particularly directed, was the state of affairs in the east of Europe, and the complicated transactions between Russia and Turkey. It was only on his arrival in Paris, that the duke of Wellington found that the state of Spain was likely to occupy a most important place in the deliberations of the Congress at Verona; and he instantly applied for specific instructions on that point. The requisition of the duke of Wellington (who left London, within about forty-eight hours after Mr. Canning had cepted the seals of the foreign office) was dated from Paris on the 21st of September; and the instructions transmitted in consequence were in the following terms:-"If there be a determined project to interfere by force or by menace in the present struggle in Spain, so convinced are his majes ty's government of the uselessness and danger of any such interfe

ac

praise for the united perspicuity, precision, and manly elegance, with which he states the principles and views of the English cabinet.

[ocr errors]

rence, so objectionable does it appear to them in principle, as well as utterly impracticable in execution, that when the necessity arises, or (I would rather say) when the opportunity offers, I am to instruct your grace at once frankly and peremptorily to declare, that, to any such interference, come what may, his majesty will not be party." These instructions did not go into much detail, and admitted no qualification; they were positive and peremptory, and from them the duke of Wellington never for one moment swerved. So far was the British government at that time from entertaining any idea that a proposition of a nature hostile to Spain would be made by France, that there was every previous reason for believing, that France would be the last quarter from which such a prohibition would come. It was a matter of public notoriety, that the king of France, on the 5th of June, declared, in allusion to the force he had stationed on his Pyrenean frontier, that the precaution thus adopted had kept from his provinces a contagion which had ravaged a great part of Spain; that with the same object only he meant to maintain the forces he had stationed; and that nothing but ill-will and calumny could find a pretext for ascribing to this precautionary measure a different purpose. Such was the statement in the last document France had issued with relation to the affairs of Spain; and the right hon. secretary mentioned it only to account for the fact, that the instructions of the British government were not, in the first instance, framed with a view to meet propositions hostile to Spain on the part of the French government. When the Congress of Verona met,

and when the propositions of the French government regarding Spain were brought forward, they were not directed to a hostile object-they were in their nature purely defensive, conditional, and hypothetical. They did not then call for the assistance of the allies against Spain: they asked merely what would be the conduct of the allies in three given cases, which all presupposed some active offence in the first instance on the part of Spain. To these inquiries, answers were given on the part of three of the continental powers, professing their readiness to countenance, and, if necessary, to support France in the specified cases. The British plenipotentiary gave no such answer. He said, that he was precluded from entering into any hypothetical engagement. He demanded, before he was called upon to give even a hypothetical concurrence to a hypothetical promise in a hypothetical case, that he should be informed, distinctly and practically, what offence Spain had actually given to France, and what were the grounds of future offence anticipated by France. The congress of Verona, during the weeks of its sittings, discussed the question in all its bearings; but the language of the duke of Wellington was the same on the last day of meeting as on the first-a positive refusal to give any answer to the inquiries of France-a positive refusal to have any thing to do with interference, by force or menace, in the internal affairs of Spain.

At the conclusion of the congress, the three great Continental Powers agreed with France to transmit to their ministers at Madrid several despatches, remonstrating with Spain on the state

« ZurückWeiter »