sists by its own strength, not by the courtesy of its neighbours. The Resolution of the House was communicated to the Lords, who unanimously concurred; and their joint Address being presented, his majesty assured them he would immediately comply with their request. Accordingly, in the course of the next month both Hanoverians and Hessians arrived in England, and encamped in different parts of the kingdom. The King's Message relating to the Treaty with Prussia.] May 11. A Treaty with Prussia having been concluded, the same was this day laid before both Houses, together with the following Message from his majesty. "GEORGE R. "His majesty, being desirous to be prepared against all attempts and designs whatsoever, that may be formed by his enemies in the present critical conjuncture; and considering that sudden emergencies may arise, which may be of the utmost importance, and be attended with the most pernicious consequences, if proper means should not be immediately ap-plied to prevent or defeat them; his majesty hopes that he shall be enabled, by his faithful Commons, to concert and take all such measures as may be necessary to disappoint or defeat any enterprises or designs of his enemies, and as the exigency of affairs may require. "His majesty having concluded a Treaty with the king of Prussia, has ordered the same, together with a Declaration, signed at the same time, to be laid before this House, that he may be enabled to make good the engagements he has thereby entered into. G. R." This Message, which was sent to both Houses, produced an Address of Thanks to his majesty and the House of Commons unanimously referred both the Message and the Treaty to the Committee of Supply, who, upon the 13th of May, voted upon account 1,000,000l. of money, for such measures as may be necessary for defeating the enemy's designs, and as the exigency of affairs may require; and, on the 17th of the same month, they voted 20,000l. more, for making good his majesty's engagements with the king of Prussia. In the course of the debates on these votes, Mr. Pitt opposed them. He contended, that a naval war we could and ought to support; but a continental war, upon this system, we could not. He admitted that regard ought to be had to Hanover, but it should be secondarily. If Hanover was made our first object, and we proceeded upon this system, it would lead us to bankruptcy. It was impossible to defend Hanover by subsidies. An open country could not be defended against a neighbour who could march 150,000 men into it, and support them by as many more. If Hanover should be attacked on account of her connection with Great Britain, we ought not to make peace until we had procured her full and ample satisfaction. for every injury and damage she may have sustained. But the idea of defending Hanover by subsidies he ridiculed as preposterous, absurd, and impracticable. This system, he said, would in a few years cost us more money than the fee-simple of the electorate was worth; for it was a place of such inconsiderable note, that its name was not be found in the map. He ardently wished to break those fetters, which chained us, like Prometheus, to that barren rock. The Militia Bill passes the Commons.] A Bill was brought in this session, which, though it did not pass into a law, yet deserves particular notice. It was entitled, "A Bill for the better ordering of the Militia Forces in the several counties of that part of Great Britain, called England." December 8. Mr. W. Pitt stood up, and after shewing the bad state of the Militia of this kingdom, and the necessity we were under of having some sort of militia regularly established, and properly armed and disciplined, he concluded with a motion to resolve, That the House would, on the 18th, resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to consider of the laws in being, which relate to the militia of this kingdom; which raotion was agreed to nem. con.; and it was resolved accordingly; but on that day the order was put off to January 21, when the House resolved itself into the said committee, and came to a Resolution, which was agreed to, and it was accordingly thereunto resolved by the House nem. con. that the laws then in being, for regulating the Militia, were ineffectual; whereupon it was ordered likewise nem. con. That leave be given to bring in a Bill for the better ordering the Militia forces, in the several counties of that part of Great Britain, called England. Debate in the Lords on the Militia Bill.*] May 24. The order of the day being read, for the third reading of the Bill, intituled, "An Act for the better ordering of the Militia forces, in the several counties of that part of Great Britain called England:" the said Bill was accordingly read a third time. The question being put, Whether this Bill, with the Amendments, shall pass? The Bill was not brought in until the 12th of March, when it was presented by Mr. Townshend, and read a first time. On the 19th it was read a second time; and on the 25th the House resolved itself into a committee upon the said Bill, which it likewise did on the 30th; and having gone through the Bill with several amendments, the Report was ordered to be received next morning. Accordingly Mr. Potter made the Report next morning, when the Bill was recommitted, and the House resolved itself into the said committee on April 5, as it likewise did on the 7th, 8th, and 9th, when they went through the Bill. On the 5th of May the Report was taken into consideration, when several amendments were made by the House; after which the Bill was ordered to be ingrossed, and on the 10th it was read a third time, when the Bill was passed, and Mr. Townshend ordered to carry it to the Lords.* HARDWICKE PAPERS. Mr. Horatio Walpole to Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. "Cockpit, April 4, 1756. "My lord; your lordship, having been pleased to allow me the liberty to trouble you with my notions on some occasions, will, I hope, excuse my doing it in a matter of importance, which is now depending in the House of Commons; I mean the Militia Bill. Whether it is formed upon the most perfect plan, or is very correctly drawn, I do not pretend to judge; yet, sure I am, it is become a very popular and plausible object, among those who are best affected to this government. I think the Tories in general, although some few are engaged in the conduct of it, do not approve it extremely; but the considerable persons who moved and earnestly supported the questions for bringing over the Hessians and Hanoverians, expressed themselves as looking upon our calling in foreign strength to be indeed a necessary but a temporary support only, in this perilous situation, until a more natural and national defence, against all dangerous emergencies to the public, could be formed and made serviceable. And they particularly mentioned the militia, as what might be useful at this present juncture, as well as in all future troublesome times, by acting under proper directions in concert with the standing regular forces. All those in our House who are firmly attached to the present measures, have testified their desire of having a militia established upon some plan like that of the present Bill; and the ministers then declared their sentiments very prudently in favour of it, or otherwise I believe they would have met with more difficulty in carrying the questions for a foreign assistance. "But it is reported, my lord, that this Bill, [VOL. XV. ] The Earl of Stanhope said: My lords; that every country must have a military force of some kind or other for its defence against foreign enemies, and that the only proper military force of a free country is a well regulated and well disciplined militia, are maxims so certain, that I never reflected upon them, without being astonished at our having so neglected to put the militia of this country upon any tolerable footing; therefore it was with when passed in our own House, is to be dropt in your lordship's. I heartily wish that, before such a resolution is taken among those who have the confidence and conduct of affairs, the consequences of it may be seriously weighed; for I apprehend it may occasion a great deal of ill humour and clamour, industriously fomented and propagated, not only by the pretended patriots in opposition, but even by the Tories, who do not approve the present plan, as if there was a design to keep the foreign troops here longer than the defence of their country may require it; and such disagreeable surmises of ill purposes intended, may be scattered among the people, against the administration, as may make a bad impression upon their minds. "Cockpit, April 26, 1756. "My lord; I suppose your lordship, during your recess, may have fully considered the Militia Bill, and very likely have found many imperfections in it, that may render the execution of it difficult should it pass into a law. "The power given to three or more commissaries of the land-tax, without a suitable qualification, to act jointly with two deputy lieutenants, who are to have 600l. per annum, in all meetings after the second general meeting relating to the fitness of persons to serve from time to time in the militia, will, 1 apprehend, so disgust the deputy lieutenants, as they may be constantly over ruled by a majority of persons of mean rank and fortune, that they will refuse to meet and act with them. But let that or other material objections be ever so weighty, I am still of opinion, having talked with several persons of high and low degree, from different quarters, all well affected * From the London Magazine. [2 Z] great pleasure I heard of some gentlemen's intending to form a scheme for this purpose, whose capacity and knowledge I could depend on, and this pleasure was very much increased by my first perusal of the Bill now under our consideration, because I thought it sufficient for answering the purpose. I have since perused it several times with great attention; and the more I consider it, the more I am convinced that it is as complete a Bill as can possibly be formed at the first out-set. When it comes to be carried into execution some explanations and amendments may perhaps appear to be necessary, which is generally the case with every law by which any new and important regulation is to be introduced; but I do not think that any thing very material has been omitted, and the advantage is, that no omission, if there are any, can be attended with any great expence or prejudice to the public, before we shall have an opportunity to provide for them by a new Bill, as the first operation of this Bill is not to take place before the 5th of October next, when the lists of all the men capable of serving in the militia, are to be ordered to be returned against a future day or days then to be appointed, so that in all probability those lists cannot be made out before the next session of parliament; and I must observe, that when they are made out, it to the administration, that if this Bill, after it has passed, as I believe it will, without opposition in our Flouse, be flung out of your lordship's, it will have very disagreeable effects, to the prejudice of the ministry; for, in that case, however disliked it may be at present by many of different principles, it will be sounded as a most popular and desirable scheme in all places. In our circumstances and situation, some such thing is absolutely necessary and wanted,' will be the cry, not only of all those that are ill, but of many, very many who are well disposed. It may not be perfect, but it may be mended hereafter; there can be no harra in making a trial; and the supposed motives for not making the trial will be represented in the most odious colours against those that are thought to have the chief conduct of affairs, as having in view other means, not at all constitutional, for the defence of this country in great exigencies. "It has got abroad, that lord Chesterfield's opinion against the Bill has much prevailed in a certain place. I have a great respect for the sentiments of that ingenicus nobleman; but, if I am rightly informed of his objections, there seems not to be the least foundation in it for the dangerous consequences he apprehends. 'Tis said too, that the lord president (carl Granville) will oppose warmly the passing it: it will be very proper for us to have copies of them laid before us, because we shall then see what number of men we have in the whole, and in every part of the kingdom, that may be deemed fit for the militia, which is a knowledge we cannot have, unless this Bill be passed into a law, and it is a knowledge we must have before we can propose to put the finishing hand to the establishment of a militia; and that we must have a well regulated and well disciplined militia, or some other sort of military force for our defence is what, I am sure, no man will dispute. But, my lords, it may perhaps be said, that we may provide for our defence by keeping up a sufficient standing army of regular troops, or by calling in a body of foreign troops as often as we have occasion; and therefore I shall beg leave to examine both these methods, beginning with that which is improperly called a standing army of regular troops, by which is meant a numerous body of men maintained in idleness at the public expence, and governed by laws different from those of the society to which they belong. This, I say, is improperly called a standing army of regular troops, if it be thereby meant to distinguish it from what we now call a militia; for a well regulated and well disciplined militia is as much a standing army as any sort of army can be, and may be does not become me to surmise what that lord's reasons may be, not having talked with him on that subject; but the peers, who are to have the chief hand in flinging it out, as it is reported, are lord Raymond and Marchinont. It will hardly be believed, my lord, that the first does not act by the influence of the court; and whether the last does or not, I will not presume to guess; but his chief reason, as I am told, for its not passing now is, that it may be necessary to see first whether a Militia Bil of the same nature may not be extended to Scotland, to make the defence of the whole kingdom at once uniform; but I have learnt from other great and sensible noblemen of North Britain, that, according to their constitution, it is an absurd and impracticable idea. "In short, my lord, if the strength against the Bill is suffered to prevail in your House, let it come from what quarter it will, those that have the management of affairs, whether right or wrong, will, I am afraid, incur a censure not easy to remove. The c'amour will indeed be great, and this is not a time to give an occasion for clamour, if, as I apprehend, we shall hear but too soon of the taking of Minorca by the French; the loss of that island will be attended with consequences that will affect this nation in the most sensible part." be the case in a few years, if we go on neglecting our militia as we have done for many years past, we could not propose to defend ourselves against such an accident without keeping up a standing army of at least 100,000 men. Such a standing army, if kept up upon the same footing as our regular troops are to be for this year, would cost us at least three millions sterling per annum; for if a standing army of 34,000 men cost this year 930,000l. together with 152,000l. for the office of ordnance for land service, a standing army of 100,000 men must cost us at least three millions yearly, which is an expence that, I am sure, this nation could not support, even supposing we were quite free from any public debt; and even with such a standing army our fate would absolutely depend upon the issue of the first battle, for should we be defeated, we could find no recruits who knew any thing of military discipline, or had ever been bred to arms; from whence every one must see how imprudent it is to put our whole trust in our standing army of mercenary troops, and to take no care to have our people in general bred to military discipline, and the use of arms. made as regular as any troops have ec- | for three or four weeks, they might land casion to be for real use. Therefore 100,000 men of regular well disciplined what is now called a standing army of troops in this island; and if we had no regular troops ought to be called a stand- men in the kingdom that knew any thing ing army of mercenary troops; and of arms, or military discipline, but such as the keeping up of such an army is so ex-belonged to our standing army, which will pensive, that it is impossible for this nation to furnish the expence of keeping up such a numerous army of this kind, as would be sufficient for defending us against our nearest and most inveterate enemy, especially considering the great expence we must be at yearly, in supporting our navy, and preserving our superiority at sea. This, my lords, is our case at present, and whenever this happens to be the case in any country, the only sure method they have left to provide for their defence, is by establishing a well regulated and well disciplined militia. It is by this method that the Swiss Cantons have preserved their free dom and independency against the numerous armies of Austria as well as France, and it was by this method that our neighbours in Scotland thought of defending themselves in case of their having again become a kingdom quite distinct from this, of which there was some appearance in the year 1704, and therefore in that year they passed the famous act, called "The Act of Security," for disciplining their militia, and providing them with arms; for they wisely foresaw, that if such a case should happen, it would be impossible for them to furnish the expence of keeping up such a numerous standing But now, my lords, supposing it were army of mercenary troops as would be possible for us to furnish the expence of sufficient for defending them against the keeping up such a numerous army of merarmies of this kingdom; but thank God, cenary troops as might be sufficient for the existence of the case was prevented our defence in all events, and supposing by the union of the two kingdoms, which we could depend upon that army alone for was soon after concluded, and which has our defence, yet I will say, it is a sort of happily left the inhabitants of this exten-defence which we never ought to choose, sive island nothing else to think of, but nor ever will choose, whilst there is a spark how to defend themselves against the of the spirit of liberty remaining amongst neighbouring powers upon the continent us. A standing army of mercenary troops of Europe. always, at last, begin to look upon themMy lords; the impossibility of this na-selves as the masters of that country where tion being able to furnish the expence of keeping up such a numerous standing army of mercenary troops as may of itself be sufficient for our defence, will plainly appear, if we consider the numerous armies kept up by France, even in time of peace, and the expence of the small number of such troops now kept up by us. As the French keep up at least 150,000 men, even in time of peace, if they should ever by any accident gain a superiority at sea, and preserve that superiority but they are kept up; and after the body of the people have been rendered dastardly and effeminate, which is the never-failing consequence of a total disuse of arms, such an army will no longer submit to the civil power, than till they find a general who has art and conduct enough to unite them all under his influence. In republican or aristocratical forms of government, this indeed is very difficult, because it is easy to prevent any one general from acquiring such an influence; but in a limited monarchy, such as ours, it is very easy, because the army naturally unite under their sovereign; and if the king has not ambition enough to aim at arbitrary power, some general who happens to be his chief favourite probably may. From that moment the substance of our liberties would be annihilated, though the shadow might perhaps be continued for some time. Whilst our parliaments continued to do whatever was desired of them, they would be allowed to sit, in order that the king, or the favourite general in his name, might have a pretence to say, that the laws of the land had always been the measure of his government; but if the parliament should refuse to agree to such laws, or such supplies as the king or his favourite really intended to have, or should dare to remonstrate against any measures which the king or his favourite had pursued, or was resolved to pursue, the officers of our standing army of mercenary troops would be privately instructed to petition their sovereign for laying parliaments aside, as an useless and cumbersome burden upon the executive part of our government, and the dismissing of two or three officers for refusing, if any should refuse, to sign such a petition, would command a ready compliance in all the rest. My lords, in answer to this, I know it has been often urged, that we can have no apprehensions from our army while it is commanded by gentlemen of the best families and fortunes in the kingdom; but this is a doctrine that has been contradicted by the experience of all ages and all countries: the standing armies of Rome, by whom the liberties of that famous republic were overturned, were commanded by men of the best families and fortunes in the commonwealth. In France the absolute power of the crown was established, and is now supported, by standing armies of mercenary troops, which were, and are still, commanded by the chief noblesse of that kingdom. In short, my lords, in all countries where the liberties of the people have been overturned by a standing army of mercenary troops, we shall find, that the officers of those armies were generally men of family and fortune, in the countries they respectively belonged to; for men even of faniily and fortune are but too apt to contribute to the establishing of arbitrary power, when they expect to have a considerable share in the dispensing of it. This is an observation founded upon the nature of mankind, and the behaviour of our army in the reign of James 2 is far from being any objection to it; for most of the officers of that army saw, that if they should contribute to the establishment of arbitrary power in their sovereign, they would be so far from having any share in the dispensing of it, that they would themselves become slaves to the most contemptible of mankind: I mean the priests, monks, and jesuits, who had got the absolute direction of that prince's conscience, with respect to his temporal as well as his spiritual affairs; and besides this it is now well known, that many of our nobility, and several of the officers both of our army and navy, had entered into such engagements with the prince of Orange, afterwards king William, whilst his princess was presumptive heir to our crown, as they could not well break through, after she ceased to be so, by the birth of a prince of Wales; especially as the chief reason for their entering into such engagements became much stronger after that unexpected event than it had ever been before. Therefore, my lords, we are not to expect that our army will always behave as they did at that time; for whatever opinion we may have of the gentlemen who are now the officers of our standing army, we can have no reason to hope, that the gentlemen of family and fortune in this country will always have a greater share of virtue and public spirit than has by experience been found in any other part of the world. My lords, I hope I have now shewn, that it is neither possible, nor would it be prudent in us, to provide for our defence, by keeping up such a numerous standing army of mercenary troops as would be sufficient for that purpose in all events; and the only other method of providing for our defence, besides that of a well regulated and well disciplined militia, is that of calling in a body of foreign troops as often as we have occasion. This is the method we have now chosen, because it was thought by many, that we were in imminent danger, and that we had no other way for guarding against this danger; for which reason, though I was of a different opinion, I did not oppose it; but I hope we shall never again be under such unlucky circumstances as to furnish any one with a pretence for having recourse to this method; for of all others it is the most dangerous and the least to be depended on. We have, it is true, upon this occasion, found an opportunity to bring over |