To contrive any new means of supplying the wants of the government must be allowed to be very difficult in a state like that of the British nation; a nation overwhelmed with taxes, which, if we may judge of the future by the past, are never to be remitted; and encumbered with debts, which no continuance of peace is likely to make less, though not only every war, but every distant sound of war, is suffered to increase. Some expedient must, however, be found in days of necessity, even by those who have negligently suffered all expedients to be exhausted. We are told that the danger of our country now urges us to raise money, and the only question is, by what means it shall be raised. supply granted this session, was 4,073,7791. one million of which was granted to his majesty for enabling him to augment his forces by land and by sea; 20,000l. subsidy was granted to the elector of Bavaria, and 32,000l. to the king of Poland. Little or no opposition was made in the committee of supply to those grants. It was well known that the French were exerting themselves at Brest, 'and other of their ports, in fitting out a powerful naval armament, on board of which a great body of land forces was to be embarked; and they made no secret, that the whole was designed to support their settlements in North America. It was evident that the court of Versailles would never have ventured upon this bold measure in the then imperfect state of their marine, had they not trusted to the superiority of their land force in Europe for invading his majesty's German dominions, and thereby engaging him to make a peace upon their own terms. For this reason it was that those foreign subsidies met with no opposition in the committee of supply. Debate in the Commons on the Lottery.] Amongst the other Resolutions made by the Committee of Ways and Means, one was, "That a sum not exceeding one million, be raised by way of lottery; 100,000l. thereof to be deducted for the benefit of the public, and the remaining 900,000l. to be charged on the produce of the sinking fund, at the rate of 31. per cent. per annum, to commence from the 5th of January, 1756. The tickets to be 10l. each; two pounds whereof to be paid down at the time of subscribing by way of deposit; such subscription to be finally closed at five o'clock in the afternoon of the 15th of this instant April and in case a larger sum than the said million shall be subscribed within the said term, a proportionable reduction upon such expence shall, as near as possible, be made out of each subscriber's share." This particular is mentioned here, as a proof of the distress the government was at this time under to raise money. And indeed the lottery did not pass the Commons without some animadversion; and in particular the following Speech, which was made against it. Sir; we are now called upon by our sovereign, and, perhaps, required by the state of our affairs, to form some scheme for the supply of extraordinary expences. * * From the Gentleman's Magazine, [VOL. XV.] Our undertakers of pecuniary business do not, indeed, seem to think with much intenseness upon this exigence, however perplexing and distressing to vulgar understandings. They may, perhaps, talk of enquiry and deliberation, but, under all the gravity of public counsellors, they are probably laughing at those, whose inexperience in ministerial practices, or zeal for the general interest, disposes them to enquire with solicitude, or deliberate with seriousness. The factors between the treasury and the public are never without a scheme sufficient for the present purpose, and therefore proportionate to the wishes of men, who provide only for the present hour; and while they can supply the demand of the year, are little inclined to look forward to another. While others are endeavouring to discover how the state may be supplied, without injury to individuals, these men repose at ease upon a support which never fails; and, at last, expect the thanks of the public for proposing a lottery. On this, therefore, as on former occasions, a lottery is to be tried. I am so far of the same opinion with those whom I oppose, that I believe a lottery likely to produce the sum desired, perhaps a much greater sum, and in much less time than the term limited. The efficacy of their scheme I readily admit; but the most efficacious methods are not always those which ought first to be tried, or to be made. useless by frequent practice; they are more properly reserved to times of danger, as the last refuge of distress, and to be tried only when others have failed. To no such time, Sir, are we yet come, and therefore I am unwilling yet to raise money by a lottery, [21] It is known to every man who looks upou the world, that vice, like other sublummary things, has its variations and vicissitudes, that, at certain times, a particular species of wickedness grows unfashionable and obsolete, and some new mode of licentiousness rises up by accident or example, which, for a time, seduces a community, and then gives way to some crime of more novelty and greater attraction. The great duty of government is to observe the predominant corruption, and to provide antidotes for the present epidemical disease of their morals; nor can any man more grossly betray his trust, than he, who, being placed as the superintendant of the people, shall inflame a passion, already too hot to be restrained by the laws, and diffuse the contagion of a vice, which is already catching man after man, and spreading from one rank of the community to another. The moral disease of the present generation is well known to be the love of gaming; a desire to emerge into sudden riches; a disposition to stake the future against the present, and commit their fortunes, themselves, and their posterity, to chance. The consequence of this pernicious passion is hourly seen in the distress of individuals, the ruin of families, the extravagance and luxury of the successful, and rage and fraud of those that miscarry; this, therefore, is the vice, at least one of the vices, against which the whole artiliery of power should be employed. From gaming the people should be dissuaded by instruction, withdrawn by example, and deterred by punishment. To game, whether with or without good fortune, should be made ignominious; he that grows rich by it ought to be deemed as a robber, and he that is impoverished, as a murderer of himself. Yet, what are the men entrusted with the administration of the public now proposing? What, but to increase this lust of irregular acquisition, and to invite the whole nation to a practice which the laws condemn, which policy disapproves, and which morality abhors? For what is a lottery but a game? Let us consider the motives that fill every lottery with subscribers, who seldom know, or care to know, the terms on which they advance their money, or number the chances of gain or loss. The ground of this, as of every other adventure, is the hope of profit. But, in other adventures, the possibility of profit is in exact proportion to the share of the capital stock, and therefore hope has less opportunity to delude with dreams of wealth; but, in a lottery, the whole distribution is given up to chance, with whom every man is at liberty to believe himself a favourite, and whose bounty he therefore anticipates, in proportion to the natural sanguineness of his temper. The persons who risk their money in lotteries are, I believe, for the most part, the needy or extravagant; those whom misery makes adventurous, or expence makes greedy. And of these, the needy are often ruined by their loss, and the luxurious by their gain. He whose little trade, industriously pursued, would find bread for his family, diminishes his stock to buy a ticket, and waits with impatience for the hour which shall determine his lot; a blank destroys all his hopes, and he sinks at once into negligence and idleness. The spendthrift, if he miscarries, is not reclaimed; but if he succeeds, is confirmed in his extravagance, by finding that his wants, however multiplied, may be so easily supplied. It is universally allowed, that reward should be given only to merit, and that, as far as human power can provide, every man's condition should be regulated by his merit. This is the great end of established government, which lotteries seem purposely contrived to counteract. In a lottery, the good and bad, the worthless and the valuable, the stupid and wise, have all the same chance of profit. That wealth which ought only to be the reward of honest industry, will fall to the lot of the drone, whose whole merit is to pay his stake, and dream of his ticket. If yet the whole mischief is the riches of a few sluggards, this practice, though it could not be commended, might be borne ; but it is dangerous to teach mankind a way to riches, which requires neither skill nor industry to travel. All men naturally desire wealth, and most men are naturally averse from labour; and therefore easily encourage the hope which promises the attainment of what they wish, and an escape from what they dread. The sight of one thus fortuitously blessed with affluence, and rioting in plenty, which was the gift of a lucky moment, will stop hundreds in the carcer of diligence; they will gaze awhile with envy, and then think on imitation; they will grow impatient of the slow profit of their callings, and resolve to wait upon that fortunate wheel, which can at once set them free from their irksome business, and make life a perpetual holiday. Of these the greater part will necessarily be disappointed, but their frenzy is seldom cured; they continue to despise labour, and live on with indolent expectation of another lottery, which, like the former, mocks them with disappointment. Industry and frugality are the only causes of national wealth; but lotteries lure the diligent from their work, and entice the frugal to expence. Lotteries may be truly said to have made many poor, but none rich. The presents of fortune are seldom husbanded with much care, or employed to any other purpose than that of expensive vanity, or luxurious vice. I hope, therefore, that I shall not be censured, as opposing the ministry from perverseness or caprice, if I declare, that I am desirous to raise the sum now required, rather by any other method than that of a lottery. The King's Message concerning an Augmentation of the Forces.*] March 25. The following Message from his majesty was sent down to the Lords: "GEORGE R. "His majesty, having at the beginning of this session declared, that his principal object was to preserve the public tranquillity, and at the same time to protect those possessions which make one great source of the commerce and wealth of his kingdoms, now finds it necessary to acquaint the House of Lords, that the pre sent situation of affairs makes it requisite to augment his forces by sea and land; and to take such other measures as may best tend to preserve the general peace of Europe, and to secure the just rights and possessions of his crown in America, as well as to repel any attempts whatsoever that may be made to support or countenance any designs which may be formed against his majesty and his kingdoms: and his majesty doubts not but he shall have the concurrence and support of this House (on whose affection and zeal he entirely relies), in making such augmentations, and taking such measures, for the support of the honour of his crown and the true interests of his people, and for the security of his dominions in the present critical conjuncture, as the exigency of affairs may require. In doing which, his majesty will have as much regard to the ease of his good subjects as shall be consistent with their safety and welfare." The The Lords' Address thereon.] said Message having been taken into consideration, their lordships agreed upon the following Address : "Most Gracious Sovereign, "We, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your majesty our humble thanks for your most gracious Message. "Nothing can more clearly demonstrate your majesty's paternal concern for the welfare and prosperity of your people, than the royal care and firm resolution, which you have had the goodness to re "The nation, at the time this Message was delivered, was so strongly convinced of braided at St. James's with being insincere, the wisdom and necessity of a war with France, and the proofs of his court's double dealing that a most dutiful Address was unanimously were laid before him. He appeared to be voted in answer to the Message, and a million struck with them; and complaining bitterly of was granted. The earl of Albemarle, the Eng-his being imposed upon, he went in person over lish ambassador at Paris, had been dead for some time; and though the French, in all their sea-ports, were making the greatest preparations for supporting their encroachments in America, yet the strongest assurances came to England from that ministry, that no such preparations were making, and that no hostility was intended by France against Great Britain or her dependencies. These assurances were generally communicated to the British ministry by the duke of Mirepoix, the French ambassador, who was himself so far imposed upon, that he believed them to be sincere, and did all in his power to prevent a rupture between the two nations. The preparations, however, were so notorious, that they could be no longer concealed; and Mirepoix was up to France, where he reproached the ministry for having made him their tool. They referred him to their king, who ordered him to return to England with fresh assurances of friendship; but he had scarcely delivered them, when undoubted intelligence came, that a French fleet from Brest and Rochfort, was ready to sail, with a great number of land forces on board. Upon this, a very hot press was begun upon the river Thames, and in all the out ports of Eugland, and continued both for seamen and landmen, till, besides the ordinary cruizers and guard-ships for the defence of the English coast, eleven ships of the line, and one frigate, with about 6,000 men on board, were fixed out under admiral Boscawen, and sailed on the 23rd of April." Tindal. peat to us, to maintain the just rights and possessions of your crown against all encroachments, and to protect the commerce of your kingdoms. The preservation of the public peace is an object which your majesty, out of your benevolent disposition for the good of your faithful subjects, as well as of mankind in general, will always have at heart; and we thankfully acknowledge your great wisdom, in taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to prevent the infraction of it. "Duty and affection to your majesty, zeal for your royal person, family and government, have always been the great motives of our conduct. Warmed with these sentiments, and unalterably fixed in the same principles, we are fully convinced of what high importance it is to strengthen your majesty's hands in the present situation of affairs. "And we do, from the bottom of our hearts, assure your majesty, that we will cheerfully and vigorously support your majesty, in making such augmentations of your forces by sea and land, and in taking such other measures as events may make necessary, for maintaining the honour, rights, and possessions of your crown, and the true interests of your people, and for the security of your dominions; and that we will zealously stand by, and assist your majesty, in repelling any attempts whatsoever that may be made to support or Countenance any designs which may be formed against your majesty and kingdoms." your A The Commons' Address thereon.] similar Message was brought down to the Commons. As soon as it was read, Mr. Secretary Robinson moved, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to return him the thanks of this House for his most gracious Message; and to express the intire confidence this House has in his majesty's constant attention to preserve the public tranquillity, to maintain the commerce and true interests of his people, and to secure the just rights and possessions of his crown against all attempts whatsoever; to assure his majesty, that his faithful Commons will, with the utmost zeal and affection for his royal person, family, and government, effectually enable his majesty to make such augmertation of his forces by sea and land, and to take such measures for the security of his dominions, the trade and commerce of his people, and the just rights and possessions of his crown, as shall be found necessary in the present conjuncture; and that they will, with the greatest vigour and resolution, stand by and support his majesty in repelling every attempt that may be made to countenance or support any designs which may be formed against his majesty and his kingdoms." In consequence of this Message, the sum of One Million was granted to his majesty, to enable him to augment his forces by sea and land. Earl Poulett's Motion in the Lords for an Address to the King not to visit his Electoral Dominions.*] April 24. Earl "The Earl of Chesterfield to Mr. Day rolles. May 2, 1755. "You have certainly heard of, and probably seen lord Poulet's extraordinary motion, which he made in the House of Lords, just before the rising of the parliament, when it could not possibly have any good effect, and must necessarily have some very bad ones. It was an indecent, ungenerous, and malignant question, which I had no mind should either be put or debated, well knowing the absurd and improper things that would be said both for and against it, and therefore I moved for the House to adjourn, and so put a quiet end to the whole affair. As you will imagine that this was agreeable to the king, it is supposed that I did it to make my court, and people are impatient to see what great employment I am to have; for that I am to have one they do not in the least doubt, not having any notion that any man can take any step without some view of dirty interest. do not undeceive them. I have nothing to fear, I have nothing to ask, and there is nothing that I will or can have." Lord Chesterfield's Miscellaneous Works, vol. 4, p. 167. The Hon. Horace Walpole to Richard Bentley, Esq. Arlington Street, May 6, 1755. tion. He then repented, and wrote to my lady "I told you of lord Poulet's intended moYarmouth and Mr. Fox to mediate his pardon. Not contented with his reception, he determined to renew his intention. Sir Cordel Firebrace took it up, and intended to move the same Address in the Commons, but was prevented by a sudden adjournment. However, the last day but one of the session, lord P. read his motion, which was a speech. My lord Chesterfield (who of all men living seemed to have no business to defend the duke of Newcastle after much the same sort of ill usage) said the motion was improper, and moved to adjourn. T'other earl said, 'Then pray, my lords, what is to become of my motion.' The House true and solid basis of his majesty's government, and totally subvert the liberty and felicity of these kingdoms, happy in their monarch, happy in their liberty, and gratefully resolved to maintain the illustrious House of Hanover on the throne, and, under the protection of Almighty God, determined to deliver their liberty uninfringed to the latest posterity. Poulett made a motion for an humble Address to be presented to his majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to lay aside his intentions of visiting his Electoral Dominions, and not to leave these kingdoms in so critical and dangerous a conjuncture. The motion was in these words: “That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to represent to his majesty, in the most dutiful manner, that it was an article in the original Act of Settlement, by which the succession of these kingdoms devolved to his Electoral House, that the king should not go to his foreign dominions without consent of parliament, and that this was a principal article in the compact between the crown and the people. "That though that article was repealed in the late reign, yet till of late it has still been the custom for his majesty to acquaint the parliament with his intended departure to his German dominions, both in regard to the true sense and spirit of the act that placed him on the throne, as well as from the paternal kindness of his royal heart, and the condescension which he has been so good to shew his parliament on all occasions. "But that his majesty's most gracious speeches from the throne, by which he has been pleased to communicate his intentions of visiting his electoral estates, have always come on the last day of a session, as a time the most convenient for his majesty to speak to his people from the throne; by which advice of his ministers the intention of his majesty's most gracious participation of it is entirely defeated, as coming too late for the great constitutional council of the crown to offer such advice as the situation of public affairs might have made expedient and necessary. "That this juncture most particularly requires that we should, by a timely and dutiful representation to his majesty, remove the inconvenience attending the repeal of the above-mentioned clause, lest the consequence of that parliamentary respect should be construed servile adulation to the crown; which, by lessening the credit of parliament would undermine the burst out a laughing; he divided it, but was single. He then advertised his papers as lost. Legge, in his punning style, said, 'My lord P. has had a stroke of an apoplexy; he has lost both his speech and motion.' It is now printed; but not having succeeded in prose, he is turned poet-you may guess how good!" Lord Orford's Works, vol. 5, p. 321. "That it must give the greatest advantage not only to such as secretly and seditiously endeavour to stir up disaffection and discontent, but to our constitutional and national enemies, by allowing them a season to sow the seeds of discord and disaffection, a matter of the more melancholy consideration, as the most brave generally fall a sacrifice, being drawn aside from their allegiance by the artifice of the most base and unworthy, by whom they are spirited up, and who too often escape with impunity. "That at a conjuncture so pregnant with distress, so denunciative of danger, the being deprived of his majesty's presence and immediate protection must give his truly loyal subjects the most affecting concern and most gloomy apprehensions, that it may give the greatest advantage to the enemies of Britain, by encouraging them to continue their insults, their usurpations, and the violation of treaties relative to America; to change into derision their present dread of our very expensive, though laudably conducted and extremely necessary naval preparations; whilst they continue an illusory negociation till they find discontent ripe for insurrection, or occasion ripe for invasion, promoted perhaps by his majesty's absence as the most favourable opportunity, and not so soon, or so happily suppressed as that which happened during his majesty's absence in the late war. A terrible state for any country to be in without their head, and without their sovereign, and always of very pernicious consequence, and very dreadful whatever fate it meets. "For the sake of his majesty's most precious and invaluable life, at all times of so much consequence, especially from the experience he has acquired by years, the affection he has gained to his person during so long a reign, and of the greatest consequence during the minority of a prince, a contingency of great influence on our foreign, as well as domestic affairs. "For the sake of the honour and dignity of the crown of these realms which his majesty wears with so much lustre; and |