1251] '3 GEORGE III. Debate on the Preliminary Treaty of Peace. [1252 put thereto. Done at Fontainebleau the (L. S.) BEDFORD, C. P. S. (L. S.) CHOISEUL, Duc de Praslin. His most Christian mnjesty declares, That in agreeing to the 13th Article of the Preliminaries, signed this day, he does not mean to renounce the right of acquitting his debts to his allies; and that the remittances which may be made on his part, in order to acquit the arrears that may be due on the subsidies of preceding years, are not to be considered as an infraction of the said Article. In witness whereof, I, the underwritten minister plenipotentiary of his most Christian majesty, have signed the present Declaration, and have caused the seal of my arms to be put thereto. Done at Fontainebleau, the 3d day of November 1762. (L. S.) CHOISEUL, Duc de Praslin. Debate in the Lords on the Preliminary Treaty of Peace with France and Spain.*] December 9. The order of NOTES of the Earl of HARDWICKE'S Speech I am sorry for the occasion of this day's debate. I was in hopes that after so successful a war, particularly the glorious successes of the present year, such a plan of peace would have been produced, as would have united the opinions of all well-intentioned men-that in proceeding upon it, nothing would have been done or attempted, that was rash or precipitate, or would have tended to disgust any persons by the manner, who were disposed in general to agree in the substance. There is oue part of this motion, in which I can most heartily concur-the dutiful professions and assurances given to his Majesty. Convinced, from the bottom of my heart, that no prince ever ascended the throne with more virtuous and public-spirited dispositions; -with greater love for his people, and zeal for thier happiness;-with greater purity of mind, and uprightness of heart;-untainted even with a wish for any hurtful power; nay, filled with a detestation of it. Frequent occasions of approaching his royal the day being read, for taking into consideration the Preliminary Articles of Peace, signed at Fontainebleau, November 3rd, 1762, by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, France, and Spain; and the Declaration signed at Fontainebleau, the 3rd of November, 1762, by the French plenipotentiary, relating to the 13th Article of the Preliminaries; which were laid before the House, by his Majesty's comsaid Preliminary Articles and Declaration mand, on the 29th of November. The were read. Lord Wycombe then moved an Address tions were made, and some severe reflecof Thanks to his Majesty. Many objec tions thrown out against the earl of Bute, That nobleman defended his own conduct with appearances of heat and animosity. with temper and decorum, in a well connected speech, delivered with great propriety, to the surprise of many, who did not think him so well qualified in the art and faculty of clocution. He gave a detail of the negociation, and not only avowed himself a warm promoter of the peace, but even expressed a desire that his having contributed to the cessation of hostiHe was seconded by the earl of Halifax, lities should be engraved on his tomb. and supported by a great majority.* proofs of it. But that is not the business-part of this Address;-What is demanded of your lordships is in the gross, without being capable of thoroughto approve of and applaud these preliminaries ly understanding all the particular parts, or having proper lights for that purpose. ships who hear me, that I have been a party to It is not unknown to several of your lordmany, very many, considerations upon this subject. I never declined giving my opinion upon it with freedom and integrity in another place; neither will I decline it now in this House, the only place at present left to me to give such an opinion in. So far as I then went, I have seen no reason to change my opinion, weak as it was; and, in dict myself. what I shall do or say here, I will not contra Many parts of the plan of peace contained in these preliminaries, and those possibly some of the strong opposition to the peace will be in * "December 4, 1762. I am informed that ceive it ; nor can I make out above six or seven the House of Lords, though I cannot well conwho will be against it upon a division, unless (which I cannot suppose) some of the bishops should vote on the side of their maker." Lord Chesterfield to his Son. The Lords' Address on the Preliminary | poral, in parliament assembled, beg leave Articles of Peace.] The following is the Address agreed to: "Most Gracious Sovereign, "We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords spiritual and tem the greatest lines of it, I have approved, and to those I adbere. Not but that I could have wished not to have seen the necessity of going so far; but I was convinced of the expediency, the desirableness, the utility of peace to my country, and to that conviction I yielded. I have wished also, I wished from my soul, that advantage had been taken of the successes of the last year,-successes almost præter spem-to have varied, to have abated, some part even of these concessions, Look round the globe-all the French sugar islands taken from them except St. Domingo. All-in a manner all, the dominions of the King and his allies in Germany, recovered out of their hand, before those Articles were set. tled; so that they had nothing material left to put in compensation for what we have given up. The important fortress and city of the Havannah, that key and barrier of the Spanish West Indies, thought by them to be impregnable, and without which they cannot exist, most gloriously conquered-[Stop a little, and here do justice to lord Auson]-This not only an immense and insurmountable loss to Spain, but a pressing distress upon France herself. France derives great advantages from that Spanish commerce. Under a necessity to relieve her ally from this prodigious loss; an ally, whom but the last year she had drawn in to save herself from destruction; unless she would lose that ally for ever. But I do not see that the least advantage has been made of this situation, in respect of France. I go further: if no concessions could be obtained from France by force of this conquest, surely it was the strongest reason why no new concessions should be made in her favour. But I fear that is the case. Several very material points given up to France, which I never heard of till just before the preliminaries were signed, nor were ever fully explained, till they came over actually signed. 1. Saint Lucia given up. [Enforce the importance of this island in our present circumstances] 2. The British commissary to be resident at Isle St. Pierre departed from, though before fully agreed to by France. [Explain that.] 3. Article 10, about the East Indies, [Explain that.] Great Britain is "to restore to France the several comptoirs," &c. What is the meaning of the word "comptoir ?" Nothing so uncertain. It comprises single houses to return your Majesty our sincerest acknowledgments, for the important communication which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to make to us of the Preliminary Articles of Peace, concluded of trade, or even towns. Chauderoagor, a place we conquered, M. Dupleix always calis a "comptoir;" yet it had a large districtwhat he calls 5 loges, under it. [Q. Villenour and Bahour granted in 1749, with 80 villages, rent per ann. 96,000 rupees.] The French East India trade, as a trade, restored to the same staté as before the war. 4. The Spanish part of these preliminaries; perhaps the best. Art. 16. But in that great uncertainty and great defects. [Observe upon it.] 1. Fortifications to be demolished. 2. The term "Occupation" unusual and new: no ac knowledgment of a right, privilege or usage, No words of perpetuity. 5. Article 13. Relates to our allies in Germany, and in particular to the king of Prussia. All his places and countries conquered by France are to be evacuated as soon as it can be done after the ratification of the Preliminaries. This may look well to common readers; but fallacious-no restitution. The distinction is plainly pointed out by the very next precedent Article-France is to restore all the countries belonging to the elector of Hanover and the landgrave of Hesse: this chicane used by France in the last negociation. France has said she only lent her troops to the empress queen to garrison these places;that the possession is hers. What a farce of an evacuation will this be, for the borrowed garrisons of France to march out, and eo instante the troops of the empress queen, or of Saxony in the pay of France, to march in? How will the good faith of the crown of Great Britain be maintained in this instance? I do not go upon the Article in the ancient treaties with the king of Prussia. I admit all these to be but temporary. But the third Article of the Treaty of the 16th of January 1756, is certainly in force. That is a general guaranty of all the king of Prussia's dominions to him; and is not that infringed by our being, in effect, parties to the giving up his towns into the hands of bis enemy? Lord Bute obj.: Double guaranty to the empress queen, and the king of Prussia. They two at war; before you take part with either, you must determine which was the aggressor. Ans. (perme.) True proposition; but does not apply to this case. These towns and territories were not the empress queen's at the time of the guaranty given, not so now: only the possession delivered over by France. This act to be done as soon as possible after the ratification of the Preliminaries. The ratification by England was, as I take the 3rd day of last month, at Fontaine- And to express, in the most dutiful manner, to your Majesty, the satisfaction which we have received at the foundation laid by these Articles for a Treaty of Peace, it, the last, and I think that was on the 20th or 27th of last month. We are now at the 9th of December-near a fortnight has passed and nothing doue. I do not mean to complain of that as a delay; it is none. But what I complain of is the precipitation here. Before this consideration had been brought on in parliament, I should have been glad to have had this experiment made of the boná fides of France in this Treaty. To have seen whether they would have evacuated fairly, Dr | collusively. Another part of this Article—“ No succours to allies on either side." But by the Declaration annexed, France is left at liberty to pay all arrears of subsidies to her allies. No specification, or even the most general allusion to the amount-No declaration what the quantum of the annual subsidies stipulated by their treaties is. May furnish what supplies of money they please; no possibility of taking the account, or finding out an infraction of this Article. Upon this part a general and very melancholy observation arises.-By this desertion of ❘ the king of Prussia, we are left without any system or connection at all upon the continent. The court of Vienna remains in the hands of France. The king of Prussia thrown off from us by our own act. All the improvement of the change in Russia -to form a system in conjunction with these two powers, has been totally neglected. Nobody more averse than I am to Great Britain mixing voluntarily or wantonly, or unnecessarily, in the affairs of the continent. But it is absurd, and a solecism in politics, to say that a commercial country, a nation of such extensive and universal commerce, as this is, can subsist without some system greater or less, upon the continent of Europe. Under these circumstances your lordships are pressed to approve the totality of these Preliminaries; without any information; without any lights; without any papers, to enable you to judge whether they are right or wrong; to enable you to know what instructions have been given; how far our demands have been pushed to obtain better terms. I defy any instance to be produced, wherein the most ductile parliament in former times, has taken such a precipitate step. Upon this I beg leave to make, and to dilate a little upon, two general observations. 1. This is the first instance that I know of [1250 which will greatly redound to your Majesty's honour, and the real benefit of your the same care and attention will be shewn kingdoms; and our entire reliance, that for the perfecting of this great work by the Definitive Treaty. "We think it our indispensable duty to wherein preliminaries, signed and ratified, have and every part as the terms stand in these at- only Heads or Notes of a Treaty; to be exThat is too much—they are in their nature plaineri, extended, or restrained, by a Definitive Treaty. two natious, and without it, in this case, this That is to be the solemn contract between the notwithstanding the unprecedented stipulation sett of Articles will be waste paper.—Aud this and union shall be re-established between the in the first Article that a sincere friendship two nations as soon as these Preliminaries shall in any Preliminary Treaty before. be signed and ratified.-No such article ever Definitive Treaty—not to be made till certain All the restitutions and cessions refer to the periods after a Definitive Treaty ratified. liminaries, article by article, and propose varia2nd. Is the Parliament to judge of these Pretions or additions ? that way. 'Tis the prerogative of the crown prerogative-no Definitive Treaty is made, 2 Obj. Suppose your lordships should give strengthen the hands of the administration in I know it will be said, you will by that making the Definitive Treaty. say it affectedly, and to maintain the propo- but Notes, Minutes or Heads of a Treaty to be things to be ascertained, explained, extended ; material, perhaps essential circumstances to English ministry treats with them. day being_read, for taking into consideration the Preliminary Articles of Peace, signed at Fontainebleau, November 3rd, 1762, and Declaration; a motion was made, and the question being put, That this House do resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to take the said Preliminary Articles and Declaration into consideration; it passed in the negative. lay before your Majesty this early testimony of our warmest gratitude; seeing the great object of the war so fully answered, all proper attention shewn to your Majesty's allies, a vast extent of empire added to the British crown, new sources opened for the trade and manufactures of this nation, and stability and duration in. sured, under the blessing of Providence, to those great and national advantages. "We are no less sensible of the prudence and wisdom which have guided your Majesty's conduct on this great occasion, than of the humane disposition and paternal affection to your subjects, which your Majesty has shewn in patting a safe and honourable end to a burthensome and expensive war. "We beg leave to assure your Majesty, that we shall immediately apply ourselves to improve the blessings of peace, by promoting that œconomy which your Majesty has wisely recommended, and which is so necessary to the dignity of the crown, and the prosperity of these your king. doms." Then the House proceeded to take the said Preliminary Articles and Declaration into consideration; and the same were again read. Mr. Fox rose, and after defending, the peace at considerable length, concluded with moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty the thanks of this House for his gracious condescension in ordering to be laid before us the Preliminary Articles of Peace, concluded between his Majesty on the one part, and their most Christian and Cathelic majesties on the other: to assure his Majesty that we have considered them with our best attention, and although to make peace and war be his Majesty's just The King's Answer.] His Majesty re- and undoubted prerogative, yet knowing turned this Answer: "My Lords, "I return you thanks for this very dutiful Address. The satisfaction which you express in the points agreed by the Preliminary Articles towards a final pacification, is very acceptable to me. In what remains to be done, you may depend upon the utmost care and attention, on my part, to settle every thing which concerns the interests of my kingdoins upon a solid and durable foundation." Debate in the Commons on the Preliminary Treaty of Peace with France and Spain.] December 9. The order of the Under the inspection and animadversion of Parliament. This is a shield of defence to them against many demands-a weapon in their hands to enforce others. If they are able to say, "We cannot do this or that the Parliament will not support us :”a power, that wants a peace from you, which is Dow the case of France-will give great atten. tion to that argument. They will feel the necessity a British ministry is under, and know they are in earnest. Several material things may arise in framing this Definitive Treaty. For instance, suppose you want to change the epoch, or any other point, in the article about the East Indies-Several that hear me how agreeable it must be to his royal mind, to be informed of the grateful sense his people entertain of the justice and wisdom of his measures, and of his unwearied attention to their welfare, his faithful Commons were impatient to express to his Majesty their approbation of the advantageous terms upon which his Majesty hath concluded Preliminary Articles of Peace and to lay before his Majesty the hearty applause of a faithful, affectionate, and thankful people. "That while we admire his Majesty's prudence, in availing himself of the successes with which Divine Providence hath blessed his arms, whereby his Majesty know whether any orders of that nature are gone to France or not-I am sure I do not know. There may be others-perhaps to correct the looseness of the evacuation of the king of Prussia's territories; &c. But if the parlia ment should approve in gross, as it stands, can you expect to succeed in any such demand? The noble and great person, who is now his majesty's ambassador in France, will talk to the wind. The French ministers will laugh in your face, and tell you,-You are not in earnest in this-your Parliament, and they will add, the British nation, have absolutely approved all these Articles, as they stand in this papercan you have a greater sanction? What colour have you to ask any variation? hath procured such solid, and, in all human probability, such permanent advantages for this nation, we are no less sensibly affected with that humane disposition which induced his Majesty to put an end to a long, bloody, and expensive war. chamber; but although he was at this stant suffering under the most excruciating torture, yet he determined, at the hazard of his life, to attend this day, to raise up his voice, his hand, and his arm, against the preliminary articles of a treaty, that "That we will take the earliest oppor-. obscured all the glories of the war, surtunity to examine into the state of the rendered the dearest interests of the napublic revenues, in order to establish the tion, and sacrificed the public faith by an best œconomy for the future, so wisely re- abandonment of our allies. He owned, commended by his Majesty, and so neces- that the terms upon which he had consary to maintain the kingdom of Great Bri-sented to conclude a peace, had not been tain in that great and respectable situation satisfactory to all persons; it was imposin which his Majesty's fortitude and wis-sible to reconcile every interest; but he dom have now placed us. "That we are convinced that posterity, from their own experience, will hereafter agree with us, in esteeming that peace to be no less honourable than profitable, by which there will be ceded to Great Britain such an addition of territory, attended with so great an extension of our com merce. "That we, therefore, beg leave humbly to lay before his Majesty the strongest sentiments of gratitude; and to assure his Majesty, that it shall be our study to improve that confidence of the people in his Majesty, which his Majesty hath already so very deservedly acquired from his conduct in the present most important conjuncture." Mr. Pitt* rose in reply to Mr. Fox. He began with lamenting his ill state of health, which had confined him to his The disgusted party who were lately gone out, because the favourite did not chuse to accept of their service, were so infatuated with a lust of power, and cast so many longing looks towards the offices from which they had been precipitately driven, that a great number of them slunk away, when the merits of the Butean preliminaries came under examination. Some feigned sickness, others ran out of town, and many more had not even the shadow of excuse for their scandalous desertion upon this important occasion. But Mr. Pitt, to his great honour, although he had been for some time confined to his bed by a severe fit of the gout, came down to the House, and spoke near three hours in this debate. He gave his opinion upon almost every article; some of which he The following PAPER will, in Mr. Pitt's Negociation. Mr. Pitt, and all the King's servants, insisted, "That the French shall abstain from that particular fishery, on all the coasts appertaining to Great Britain, whether on the continent, the islands situated in the said Gulph of St. Lawrence; which fishery the proprietors only of the said coasts have constantly enjoyed, had not, he said, for the mere attainment of peace, made a sacrifice of any conquest; he had neither broken the national faith, nor betrayed the allies of the crown. That he was ready to enter into a discussion of the merits of the peace he had offered, comparatively with the present preliminaries. He called for the most able casuist amongst the minister's friends, who, he saw, were all mustered and márshalled for duty, to refute him; they made a most gallant appearance, and there was no doubt of the victory on the main question. If the right hon. gentleman, (Mr. Fox) who took the lead in this debate, would risk the argument of comparison, he would join issue with him, even under all the disadvantages of his present situa tion. His motive was to stop that torrent of misrepresentation, which was poisoning the virtue of the country. [No answer being made, he proceeded.+] approved, and others he condemned; but his some degree, supply this chasm: Gives the French “The liberty to fish in the Gulph of St. Lawrence, on condition that the subjects of France do not exercise the said fishery, but at the distance of three leagues from all the coasts belonging to Great Britain, and fifteen leagues from the coast of the island of Cape Breton; together with the liberty of fish |