an inducement and a temptation to every vice, to every crime." "Among the common people, not a family that has a member of the balloting age, ever lives in peace. Their minds are by necessity turned from the thoughts of regular industry; because no man of the balloting age can answer for his lot for a year. To what end serves it to lay a scheme for life, when the ballot can hardly fail to interfere and destroy it?-Its efficacy in increasing the evil of pauperism cannot fail to be immense." "Another of the effects of war, which falls with a most hostile operation upon the virtuous and a great part of that time been at war and during the period of the war, we believe it may be proved, that the whole, or about the whole of the increase of pauperism has taken place. Now the change from a state of peace to a state of war, in our opinion, never takes place-without the most deleterious effects upon the character of the people. War directs the minds of men to violent and irregular proceedings. The operations of war are the very reverse of the operations of industry, sobriety, and the ordinary virtues of the poor.-A long continuance of war, therefore, has always a tendency to make the people more idle, thought-industrious habits of the people, less, dissipated, shameless, and is the weight of taxation. The vicious; in fact, to give them motive to industry, as all the all those qualities, which most world acknowledges, is the ennaturally lead to the gibbet or the joyment of the fruits of that inwork-house." dustry. The motive to industry then, must be greater or less in proportion as the fruit which is the object of industry, is left more or less entirely to the enjoyment of the earner. Whatever share of a man's earnings he is obliged to part with in the shape of a tax, is so much deducted from the strength of the motive, by which he would otherwise be impelled to industry. By this operation, the influence of war in impairing the force of industry is pretty evident." "Governments, generally, by their operations, add to the vitiating effects of war upon the character of the people. They industriously work upon their minds, to keep them in good humour with the war. This is done by praising every thing warlike-by perpetual railing against the enemy, by ascribing to him every bad and hateful quality— by boasting extravagantly of the nation's own qualities, ascribing to it the highest virtues, copious resources, invincible strength.The vice of lying is taught the people, and taught them most impressively, by the highest example and the highest authority. No vice more deeply taints the character than mendacity. UnUnder the shape of a cloak it acts as The "extent of pauperism" in this article is given as it stood in 1803, but not as it was in 1812. In the next number of the Philanthropist the subject was taken up by another writer, and a calculation was made for five distinct periods, to show the increase The calculation for 1803 appears to have been made from parliamentary documents; that for 1812 was made from the price of bread in 1812 compared with the price in 1803. It may therefore be incorrect; but the writer excludes, in his calculation, the "beggars," the "hospital patients," and the "alms-house inhabitants," which, if included, would, in his opinion, swell the amount of pauperism far beyond the estimate he has given. War has unquestionably been the principal source of this terrible amount of pauperism in England. By their warring character, that people have brought on themselves an enormous national debt, which we may presume will never be paid, so long as they continue to glory in their military enterprises. In addition to this, they have probably reduced more than one eighth of the whole population of England to the condition of paupers, who cannot obtain a subsistence without parochial aid, and a vast multitude to a state of absolute beggary. These are some of the concomitants of military glory, and the genuine fruits of supporting an anti-christian custom. Is it not probable that one fifth of the property which that nation has expended and destroyed within a century, in their warring career-had it been judiciously appropriated to pacifick and benevolent purposes-would have been sufficient to have preserved peace with every country, to have extinguished their national debt, to have saved a million of paupers from that unhapPy condition, and to have made Great Britain the admiration of the world! Shall not then, the people of our country learn wisdom from what they know of the effects of war on other nations, and be more ready to contribute of their property for the diffusion of benevolent and pacifick principles, than for the support of a horrible custom, which involves guilt and wo, in proportion to the celebrity it acquires ! But in Great Britain I behold "much that I love," as well as "all that I abhor." In the midst of her military career, the seeds of peace have been sown in that country, by the establishment of a multitude of religious, benevo lent, and humane societies, which are supported with astonishing zeal and liberality-which promise a renovation of the British character, and to give to that nation a kind of pre-eminence and glory far more worthy of admiration, than that for which she is now an object of envy to surrounding nations. If the people of our country wish to maintain a rivalry with Great Britain, let it be in an effort to see which can do the most good, and not which can do the most mischief. If one tenth of the amount we now have to pay as "the price of blood," could be annually expended in diffusing the principles and spirit of peace, we should probably never be again subjected to the curse of war. But so long as we cherish the principles and spirit of war, we may expect to bear the burden of a heavy bloodtax, and that the number of our paupers will be continually aug, menting. Report of a Committee appointed by the Massachusetts Convention, of Congregational Ministers, on the subject of War. THE Committee appointed the last year, "to consider whether it be expedient for this Convention to adopt any measures, and if any, what, to correct the publick mind on the subject of war," have attended that service, and beg leave to report, That, as war is one of the greatest of human evils, and the popular opinions respecting it are among the most pernicious of human errours. it highly becomes the ministers of the Prince of Peace, and the religious instructors of mankind, to employ their united influence and endeavours for its prevention and abolition. Your Committee liave great pleasure in stating, that, since the last meeting of the Convention, an Association has been formed, which takes the name of the Massachusetts Peace Society, and which is already very respectable in numbers and in weight of character. They would, therefore, respectfully recommend, that the members of this Convention should become members of that society; and that they severally use their influence to induce others to become members, and to promote the formation of Auxiliary Peace Societies, in their respective towns or vicinities. Your Committee also beg leave to submit to the Conven tion an Address to the community at large, on the subject of war, which they have seen fit to prepare for consideration. By order of the Committee, The Address reported by the above named Committee, and accepted by the Convention. The Convention of Congregational Ministers in Massachusetts, impel. led by a sense of duty, and solici tous to revive and disseminate the genuine spirit of the gospel, take the liberty of addressing their fellow christians of all denominations, and their fellow-citizens of every description, on the subject of pub, lick war. In their estimation, no other subject has been more extensively or more radically misapprehended. The history of past ages combines with the language and practice of modern times, to prove that publick war has too commonly been viewed much in the same light, as the unavoidable convulsions of the natural world, and resorted to with little more conviction of responsi bility for its tremendous ravages, than if they were occasioned by hurricanes, earthquakes, and volcanoes. Is there not, however, an immense difference in the two cases? Are not the convulsions of the natural world beyond the control of mortal power? And is not war, with all its horrours, the proper fruit of human choice and agency? This difference shows the absolute futility of what is often alleged in vindication of the sanguinary custom,-That, while it sweeps the worthless and vile from the stage of life, it calls dormant genius and enterprise into action, unites divided kingdoms and states, and ends, like the tempest, in a calm, rendered more grateful and salutary by the general agitation. What right has man, a moral being, amenable at the tribunal of heaven for the rectitude of his intentions and pursuits, to " do evil, that good may come?" To hurry thousands of his fellow-creatures into untimely graves, and send them, unprepared, to their last account, under pretence of benefiting survivors? Vain pretence: "for the sword devoureth one as well as another ;" and the experience of ages testifies, that the tendency of war is, not to diminish, but to increase the aggregate amount, both of vice and misery, But were it otherwise; were war productive of all the advantages, which its advocates allege, the question, whether it be compatible with the requisitions of Christianity would still remain to be solved, before we could have recourse to it, without a crime. And "what saith the scripture" to this question? How do the sacred writers of the Old and New Testaments represent the obligations and the effects of our holy religion, in relation to war? Let them speak for themselves: "In the last days it shall come to pass, that the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established upon the top of the mountains, and it shall be exalted above the hills; and all people shall flow unto it. And many nations shall come and say, Come, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, and to the house of the God of Jacob; and he will teach us of his ways, and we will walk in his paths: for the law shall go forth of Zion, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem. And he shall judge among many people, and rebuke strong nations afar off; and they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." Such is the style in which "holy men of old, who spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost," predicted the nature, tendency, and operation of Messiah's reign. Of the like import was the celestial anthem, at the annunciation of his birth: "Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will toward men." Of the same spirit were his personal instructions. "Ye have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy: But I say unto you, Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them that despitefully use you and persecute you: that ye may be the children of your Father who is in heaven: for he maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust." His instructions were illustrated and enforced by his example. When he was reviled, he reviled not again, when he suffered, he threatened not, but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously." With his dying breath he interceded for the most impious and eruel of murderers: murderers, whose hands were imbrued in his own blood: "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do." 66 In exact accordance with these sentiments, instructions and examples, were the lessons inculcated by his inspired apostles: "Dearly beloved, avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto wrath: for it is written, Vengeance, is mine, and I will repay, saith the Lord. Therefore, if thine enemy hunger, feed him, if he thirst, give him drink. Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good." "If ye have bitter envying and strife in your hearts, glory not, and lie not against the truth. This wisdom descendeth not from above, but is earthly, sensual, devilish. For where envying and strife is, there is confusion, and every evil work. But the wisdom that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy. And the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace." If a man say I love God, and hateth his brother, he is a liar for he that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen? And this commandment have we from him, that he who loveth God, love his brother also." 66 : "From whence then come wars and fightings among you? Come they not hence, even of your lusts that war in your members?" Pause, brethren, and decide. Is not the true source of war here disclosed? Does not war always spring from the worst passions of our nature? And in its whole progress is it not unfriendly to the meekness, benevolence, and charity, which characterize the heirs of eternal life, and perilous to the souls of men? Surely then, you will not deny your obligations to make every effort in your power, to prevent its recurrence, and to perpetuate the repose and harmony of your country, and of the world. Have not the people, in every realm of christendom, seen and felt enough to know, that they are sure always to lose by this desperate game? The immediate privations and sufferings of war, numerous and deplorable as they confessedly are, compose but a part of the evils with which it is fraught. Its pernicious consequences are durable. Men, familiarized with the weapons of destruction, and accustomed to assail the persons and possessions of others, do not readily relinquish the impressions and habits of such a career. Cherishing the notions of honour, and the principles of retaliation, by which they have long been governed, they necessarily bring many vices of the camp into the ordinary walks of society. Hence the frequency of duels, with other disgraceful collisions, which commonly succeed, as well as accompany publick hostilities; and hence, too, the civil commotions and fatal revolutions which sometimes ensue. There is reason to think that the harshness of behaviour, defect of sympathy and propensity to give and to take offence, which often mark the intercourse, and impair the satisfaction and benefit of private and domestick life, are promoted by the spirit and temper generated by wars. Could all the attendant and consequent mischiefs of any one of the countless wars, which blacken the page of history, be concentred to a point, were it possible, at the same moment, to behold, not only the mangled dead and the writhing tortures of the dying; but to witness the bitter weeping and lamentation of the thousands bereaved of husbands, fathers, brothers, and friends; and to survey the wretched multitudes crippled by the loss of limbs, tormented by incurable wounds and diseases, reduced to abject poverty, subjected to uninterrupted discord, plunged into vice, and exposed to |