Their attempt at law-making was a broad farce, exciting ridicule and disgust, rather than merriment.

No act of such a body of legislators can bind the conscience of the people; any more than a deed of trust made under duress, can bind the forced grantors, though the body of the deed should declare that it was their voluntary act and deed.

In this terrible reign of crime and usurpation, there were brave men who defied the arbitrary power of the Administration.

Among the great men who stood unterrified by threats, untempted by bribes, and unmoved by persuasion, was Hon. Ben. G. Harris, of Maryland, who stood solitary and alone in his vote against the subjugation of the people of the Southern States; was at last arrested for feeding two hungry strangers who were sent to him for the purpose. This occurred after the war was over, when to do such a charity was a Christian virtue, to be coveted by the purest saint.

For giving a dollar to satisfy the cravings of hunger of these two poor fellows who were on their way to their desolate homes, after having laid down their arms, after Lee and Johnston had surrendered; this able statesman, Benjamin G. Harris, was arrested, confined and dragged before a committee of military vagabonds, declared guilty, and sentenced to three years' imprisonment in the penitentiary. Like a true Roman, he scorned to ask for pardon, and through very shame the President remitted the sentence. But they could neither break the spirit nor subdue the soul of this upright honest man.

Others there were who quietly yielded their assent to crimes which they abhorred.

CHAPTER IX.

THE CHARACTER OF CONGRESS THAT ROBS US OF Liberty.

THE fathers were honest men who sacrificed themselves for the public good.

In the earlier history of the country our statesmen lived and died poor, and only those of large estates and liberal patrimonies when they entered public life, retired with a competency; and a large number died insolvent.

Thomas Jefferson spent much of his life in public business; investing so much money in such historical and political works as would contribute to the more perfect understanding of our new institution, he died poor, and had to be relieved from want in old age by special legislation; although he had added the Louisiana territory to the Union.

James Monroe was utterly destitute in old age and indebted to the charity of friends for a decent burial, although he had fought through the Revolutionary War and added Florida to the Union.

Robert Morris, the great American financier, spent his latter years in prison for debt, though he had bestowed a fortune in the service of his country, only less valuable than that of Washington.

George Washington scorned to grow rich from the public treasury. He freely gave his time to the country, accepting only payment for his actual outlays; although he had added a new power to the Governments of the world. Such was the proud, self-sacrificing spirit of the great Republicans who maintained the high character of the Government.

Benton, Clay, Jackson, Webster, Harrison, Scott, Prentiss, the statesmen, heroes, authors and early public men of America, were all poor men, who had not large patrimonies. Such were the examplars of our liberty.

The Congressmen we elect leave us poor, sell their votes to Eastern capitalist, come home rich, prepared to buy up our lands when they are sold for taxes. They would gladly keep the people cutting each others' throats-quarreling about other men's business; whilst they sell our birthright for a mess of pottage. In all of the history of deliberative bodies, no more sorrowful exhibition of manhood has ever been made than the composition of the Thirty-ninth Congress. Schuyler Colfax says, "it was the ablest body of men that ever sat in Congress." I may be mistaken, but think not, when I declare it the most imbecile, corrupt and wicked deliberative body of men that ever spoke the English language. The very evidence which so conclusively demonstrates the strength of this body to Mr. Colfax, is that which so conclusively establishes its weakness with everybody else that he was elected its Speaker. What a beautiful spectacle that would have been to see Henry Clay, or John Bell, or Andrew Stevenson, traversing the country, whilst Speaker of the House of Representatives, delivering a catch-penny lecture in the showman's style, at fifty cents a sight! Mr. Colfax is not a lawyer that any one ever heard of. He was once a minister, but of such insignificance as to be entirely unknown. He was an editor of a very obscure paper, which has not been extended in circulation by the weight of his office, ponderous as he conceives it. In that whole assembly of the Republican party, there was not one eminent lawyer, though it had many lawyers. The first Congressional District of Iowa furnishes the Chairman of the Judiciary, James F. Wilson, yet at every bar in the District there are much abler lawyers than Mr. Wilson. Mr. Wilson had never been engaged in a first-class civil case, nor a capital case; and could not at his peril carry a first-class case through all the courts successfully. In Ohio he was a very respectable saddler; in Iowa, a county court lawyer and political trickster. The analysis might be extended, but we confine it to representative men. The Republican party, who were very fully represented by preachers, had not among their ministers one eminent pulpit orator, able theological controversalist, author, scholar or divine whose threadbare harangues would not have worn out the patience of the most meek and submissive audience. Perhaps

the rakish and shallow Grinnell was the ablest of their divines. But Grinnell could not entertain an intelligent audience for an hour upon any topic; and with all of his shameless impudence, would scarcely venture a religious diatribe among the people of his own State, and surely could not sustain a congregation. About government he knows less than nothing; was flogged for his bad manners and deserted by his friends. The Republicans had generals and military officers in the Thirty-ninth Congress, but among their military officials there was not one distinguished character. Schenck was the recognized leader of this class, but Schenck was the very weakest and most unfortunate of all the military men, where military men were chosen for their known incapacity in military affairs. For his butchery at Vienna, in a wellregulated army, he would have been cashiered for his imbecility, or shot for his crime. His rule in Baltimore was the opprobrium of the war, which gave comparative respectability to Butler. There were among the remainder neither historians, poets, nor philosophers; and the only way in which they were estimated, was by the amount of money which it was supposed necessary to buy their votes. They were the offals of every profession. Among the lawyers, there was none such as Judge Black, Attorney-General Cushing, Charles O'Connor or Mr. Browning. Thaddeus Stevens, who was a successful advocate and rabblerouser in early life, never pretended to, nor did his friends claim for him, the rank of the first lawyers of the State; as was awarded to Buchanan, Ross, Sharswood, Forward, Woodward or Reed. Among the divines in this Congress, there were none such as Bishop Soule, of the Methodist Episcopal Church; Meade, of the Episcopal; Fuller, of the Baptist; or the abler Presbyterians of former times. Among the generals, there was none such as Scott, Jackson, Lee or Johnston. Never did a more wretched constituency of fanatics elect a representation of more arrant knaves and impracticable fools; never was there such a hybrid cross between villainy and stupidity. They went to Congress poor; came back rich. They were cunning villains, who, if accepting bribes, knew how to cover up every trace of their wickedness and corruption; defy investigations, investigate their own rascality, and declare themselves acquitted. Stevens, the ablest,

worst and wickedest of all, yet eschewing open bribes, hesitates not to tell his own constituency of the bribery in elections of both Representatives and Senators, of bribery, duplicity and corruption in the votes which elected his colleague (Cameron), to the Senate. Our Congressmen grew prematurely rich. One only yesterday was a poor man, a schoolmaster and Methodist preacher. He now lives in a palatial mansion in Washington city, and condescends to visit his home occasionally, to spend a few days in another magnificent baronage. Another was poor, never had heavy cases or large fees; he is now President of a bank, and very wealthy. Both of these gentlemen were losing money on their salaries, and therefore excused themselves for adding two thousand dollars per annum to their former salaries. This is the history of the whole Congress. How did they make their money? Where did they get their bank stock? How did they get it? You must ask manufacturers how they got their tariffs; you must ask railroads how they got their lands; that may give you light. Did these gentlemen take open bribes? Certainly not; they are entirely too shrewd for all that. They saw other gentlemen in Congress get expelled for that folly. But liberal gentlemen always make presents to their friends. It is enough to know that your Congressmen are rich, and you are poor. Before they went to Congress, you were rich and they were poor. Something wrought the change. But they did not get enough to pay their expenses were actually losing moneyand voted themselves four thousand dollars each, for past services, to pay expenses. But where did they get the money? I leave this for you to answer. One-half you make has been given to the manufacturer to pay tariffs. Could not the manufacturers afford to make presents to the men who presented them with at least half of all your earnings? The bondholder gets a heavy allowance. Could he not afford to make these gentlemen a present? The railroad companies get manors and millions of acres and bonds, through their votes. Could not they afford to divide out liberally with the voter? Steamships get contracts of immense profit. Won't they contribute somewhat? Telegraph companies make fortunes. Won't they contribute to save a poor Congressman from penury and want? This much, however, you know,