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Cæsar, in fine, had applied himself to a life of energy and activity; intent upon the interests of his friends, he was neglectful of his own; he refused nothing to others that was worthy of acceptance, while for himself he desired great power, the command of an army, and a new war in which his talents might be displayed. But Cato's ambition was that of temperance, discretion, and, above all, of austerity; he did not contend in splendour with the rich, or in faction with the seditious, but with the brave in fortitude, with the modest in simplicitył, with the temperate in abstinence; he was more desirous to be, than to appear, virtuous; and thus, the less he courted popularity, the more it pursued him.
LV. When the senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of Cato, the consul, thinking it best not to wait till night, which was coming on, lest any new attempts should be made during the interval, ordered the triumvirss to make such preparations as the execution of the conspirators required. He himself, having posted the necessary guards, conducted Lentulus to the prison; and the same office was performed for the rest by the prætors.
There is a place in the prison, which is called the Tullian dungeont, and which, after a slight ascent to the left, is sunk about twelve feet under ground. Walls secure it on every side, and over it is a vaulted roof connected with stone archess; but its appearance is disgusting and horrible, by reason of the filth, darkness, and stench. When Lentulus had been let down into this place, certain men, to whom orders had been given, strangled him with a cord. Thus this patrician, who was of the illustrious family of the Cornelii, and who had filled the office of consul at Rome, met with an end suited to his character and conduct. On Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Cæparius, punishment was inflicted in a similar manner.
Simplicity] Pudore. The word here seems to mean the absence of display and ostentation.
2 With the temperate] Cum innocente. “ That is cum integro et abstinente. For innocentia used for abstinentia, and opposed to avaritia. See Cic. pro Lege Manil., c. 13.” Burnouf.
3 LV. The triumvirs] Triumviros. The triumviri capitales, who had the charge of the prison and of the punishment of the condemned. They performed their office by deputy, Val. Max., V., 4, 7.
4 The Tullian dungeon] Tullianum. “Tullianum” is an adjective, with which robur must be understood, as it was originally constructed, wholly or partially, with oak. See Festus, sub voce Robum or Robur : his words are arcis robustis includebatur, of which the sense is not very clear. The prison at Rome was built by Ancus Marcius, and enlarged by Servius Tullius, from whom this part of it had its name; Varro de L. L., iv., 33. It is now transformed into a subterranean chapel, beneath a small church erected over it, called San Pietro in Carcere. De Brosses and Eustace both visited it; See Eustace's Classical Tour, vol. i., p. 260, in the Family Library. See also Wasse's note on this passage.
5 A vaulted roof connected with stone arches] Camera lapideis fornicibus vincta. "That camera was a roof curved in the form of a testudo, is generally admitted ; see Vitruv. vii., 3; Varr., R. R. iii., 7, init.” Dietsch. The roof is now arched in
LVI. During these proceedings at Rome, Catiline, out of the entire force which he himself had brought with him, and that which Manlius had previously collected, formed two legions, filling up the cohorts as far as his numbers would allow?, and afterwards, as any volunteers, or recruits from his confederates', arrived in his camp, he distributed them equally throughout the cohorts, and thus filled up his legions, in a short time, with their regular number of men, though at first he had not had more than two thousand. But, of his whole army, only about a fourth part had the proper weapons of soldiers; the rest, as chance had equipped them, carried darts, spears, or sharpened stakes.
As Antonius approached with his army, Catiline directed
the usual way.
1 Certain men, to whom orders had been given] Quibus præceptum erat. The editions of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have vindices rerum capitalium, quibus, fc. Cortius ejected the first three words from his text, as an intruded gloss. If the words be genuine, we must consider these vindices to have been the deputies, or lictors, of the “ triumvirs” mentioned above.
2 LVI. As far as his numbers would allow] Pro numero militum. He formed his men into two bodies, which he called legions, and divided each legion, as was usual, into ten cohorts, putting into each cohort as many men as he could. The cohort of a full legion consisted of three maniples, or six hundred men; the legion would then be six thousand men. But the legions were seldom so large as this; they varied at different periods, from six thousand to three thousand; in the time of Polybius they were usually four thousand two hundred. See Adam's Rom. Ant., and Lipsius de Mil. Rom. Dial. iv.
3 From his confederates] Ex sociis. “Understand, not only the leaders in the conspiracy, but those who, in c. 35, are said to have set out to join Catiline, thouglı not at that time actually implicated in the plot.” Kritzius. It is necessary to notice this, because Cortius erroneously supposes
sociis” to mean the allies of Rome. Dahl, Longius, Müller, Burnouf, Gerlach, and Dietsch, all interpret in the same manner as Kritzius.
his march over the hills, encamping, at one time, in the direction of Rome, at another in that of Gaul. He gave
the enemy no opportunity of fighting, yet hoped himself shortly to find one?, if his accomplices at Rome should succeed in their objects. Slaves, meanwhile, of whom vast numberg? had at first flocked to him, he continued to reject, not only as depending on the strength of the conspiracy, but as thinking it impolitic: to appear to share the cause of citizens with runagates.
LVII. When it was reported in his camp, however, that the conspiracy had been discovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest whom I have named, had been put to death, most of those whom the hope of plunder, or the Iove of change, had led to join in the war, fell away. The remainder Catiline conducted, over rugged mountains, and by forced marches, into the neighbourhood of Pistoria, with a view to escape covertly, by cross roads, into Gaul.
But Quintus Metellus Celer, with a force of three legions, had, at that time, his station in Picenum, who suspected that Catiline, from the difficulties of his position, would adopt precisely the course which we have just described. When, therefore, he had learned his route from some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his post at the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent would be, in his hurried march into Gault. Nor was Antonius far
Hoped himself shortly to find one] Sperabat propediem sese habiturum. Other editions, as those of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Burnouf, have the words magnas copias before sese. Cortius struck them out, observing that copiæ occurred too often in this chapter, and that in one MS. they were wanting. One manuscript, however, was insufficient authority for discarding them; and the phrase suits much better with what follows, si Romæ socii incepta patravissent, if they are retained.
2 Slaves-of whom vast numbers, gc.] Servitia—cujus-magnce copiæ. "? Cujus," says Priscian (svii., 20, vol. ii., p. 81, ed. Krehl), " is referred ad rem, that is, cujus rei servitiorum.” Servorum or hominum genus, is, perhaps, rather what Sallust had in his mind, as the subject of the relation. Gerlach adduces as an expression most nearly approaching to Sallust's, Thucyd., iii., 92; Kai Δωριείς, η μητρόπολις των Λακεδαιμονίων.
Impolitic] Alienum suis rationibus. Foreign to his views; inconsistent with his policy.
* LVII. In his hurried march into Gaul] In Galliam properanti. These words Cortius inclosed in brackets, pronouncing them a useless gloss. But all editors have retained them as genuine, except the Bipont and Burnouf, who wholly omitted them.
distant, as he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hindrances, the enemy
in retreat. Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by hostile forces, that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful, and that there was no hope either of escape or of succour, thinking it best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune of a battle, resolved upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius. Having, therefore, assembled his troops, he addressed them in the following
LVIII. “I am well aware, soldiers, that words cannot inspire courage; and that a spiritless army cannot be rendered active, or a timid army valiant, by the speech of its commander. Whatever courage is in the heart of a man, whether from nature or from habit, so much will be shown by him in the field; and on him whom neither glory nor danger can move, exhortation is bestowed in vain ; for the terror in his breast stops his ears.
“ I have called you together, however, to give you a few instructions, and to explain to you, at the same time, my reasons for the course which I have adopted. You all know,
1 As he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hindrances, the enemy in retreat] Utpote qui magno exercitu, locis æquioribus, expeditus, in fugâ sequeretur. It would be tedious to notice all that has been written upon this passage of Sallust. All the editions, before that of Cortius, had expeditos in fugam, some joining expeditos with locis æquioribus, and some with in fugam. Expeditos in fugam was first condemned by Wasse, no negligent observer of phrases, who said that no expression parallel it could be found in any Latin writer. Cortius, seeing that the expedition, of which Sallust is speaking, is on the part of Antonius, not of Catiline, altered expeditos, though found in all the manuscripts, into expeditus ; and in fugam, at the same time, into in fugâ; and in both these emendations he has been cordially followed by the subsequent editors, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch. I have translated magno exercitu, “though with a large army," although, according to Dietsch and some others, we need not consider a large army as a cause of slowness, but may rather regard it as a cause of speed; since the more numerous were Metellus's forces, the less he would care how many he might leave behind through fatigue, or to guard the baggage; so that he might be the more expeditus, unincumbered. With sequeretur we must understand hostes. The Bipont, Burnouf's, which often follows it, and Havercamp's, are now the only editions of any note that retain expeditos in fugam.
2 LVIII. That a spiritless army cannot be rendered active, &c.] Neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri. I have departed a little from the literal reading, for the sake of ease.
soldiers, how severe a penalty the inactivity and cowardice of Lentulus has brought upon himself and us; and how, while waiting for reinforcements from the city, I was unable to march into Gaul. In what situation our affairs now are, you all understand as well as myself. Two armies of the enemy, one on the side of Rome, and the other on that of Gaul, oppose our progress; while the want of corn, and of other necessaries, prevents us from remaining, however strongly we may desire to remain, in our present position. Whithersoever we would go, we must open a passage with our swords. I conjure you, therefore, to maintain a brave and resolute spirit; and to remember, when you advance to battle, that on your own right hands depend riches, honour, and glory, with the enjoyment of your liberty and of your country. If we conquer, all will be safe ; we shall have provisions in abundance; and the colonies and corporate towns will open their gates to us.
But if we lose the victory through want of courage, those same placeswill turn against us;
for neither place nor friend will protect him whom his arms have not protected. Besides, soldiers, the same exigency does not press upon our adversaries, as presses upon us; we fight for our country, for our liberty, for our life; they contend for what but little concerns them”, the
of a small party. Attack them, therefore, with so much the greater confidence, and call to mind your achievements of old.
“We might4, with the utmost ignominy, have passed the rest of our days in exile. Some of you, after losing your property, might have waited at Rome for assistance from others. But because such a life, to men of spirit, was disgusting and unendurable, you resolved upon your present
wish to quit it, you must exert all your resolution, for none but conquerors have exchanged war for peace. To hope for safety in flight, when you have turned away from the enemy the arms by which the body is defended,
1 That on your own right hands depend, gc.] In dextris portare. carry in your right hands."
2 Those same places ] Eadem illa. “Coloniæ atque municipia portas claudent." Burnouf.
3 They contend for what but little concerns them] Illis supervacaneum est pugnare. It is but of little concern to the great body of them personally: they may fight, but others will have the advantages of their efforts.
* We might, fc.] Licuit nobis. The editions vary between nobis and vobis; but most, with Cortius, have nobis.
16 That you