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- fatal hand? when he saluted him. Such and so many deaths

of senators did the seventh consulship of Marius produce, between the calends and ides of the month of January. What would have happened if he had completed the year of his consulship?

In the consulate of Scipio and Norbanus the third tempest of civil rage thundered forth with its whole fury, eight legions, and five hundred cohorts, being ranged in arms on the one side, and on the other Sylla returning from Asia with his victorious army. And since Marius had been so cruel to the party of Sylla, how much further cruelty was necessary that Sylla might be avenged on Marius ? The first conflict took place at Capua, near the river Vulturnus, where the army of Norbanus was instantly put to flight, and the forces of Scipio, immediately afterwards, surprised, while hopes of peace were held out to them. The

Marius and Carbo, being then made consuls, as if despairing of ultimate victory, but purposing not to fall unavenged, sacrificed to their own manes, as it were, beforehand, with the blood of the senate; and the senate-house being beset, its members were led forth, as prisoners from a gaol, to be put to death. What slaughters were committed in the Forum, in the Circus, in the open temples ! Quintus Mucius Scævola, one of the pontifices, embracing the Vestal altars, was almost buried in the same fire with them. Lamponius and Telesinus, leaders of the Samnites, wasted Campania and Etruria more cruelly than Pyrrhus and Hannibal had done, and revenged themselves under pretence of supporting their party. But at Sacriportus, and the Colline gate, all the forces of Marius were defeated. At the former place Marius, at the latter Telesinus, was conquered. The end of the war, however, was not the end of the massacres; for swords were drawn even in peace, and vengeance was taken even on such as had voluntarily surrendered. It was a less atrocity that Sylla cut to pieces more than seventy thousand men at Sacriportus and the Colline gate, for it was then war; but it was a greater that he ordered four thousand unarmed citizens to be butchered in the Villa Publica? Were there so many killed in peace, and no more? Who, indeed, can reckon those whom every one that would, killed in the city ? until Fufidius admonishing Sylla that “ some ought to be left alive, that there might be people for them to rule,” that great proscription-list was put forth, and two thousand were selected, out of the equestrian and senatorial orders, to be sentenced to die. This was an edict of a new kind. It grieves me to state, after these proceedings, that the deaths of Carbo, Soranus the prætor, and Venuleius, were subjects of sport; that Bæbius was severed limb from limb, not by the sword, but by the hands of men, like wild beasts?; and that Marius, the brother of the general, was kept alive awhile at the sepulchre of Catulus, his eyes being put out, and his hands and legs being cut off one after another, that he might die as it were piecemeal.

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1 He did not stretch out that fatal hand, fc.] Quia fatalem illam scilicet manum non porrexerat salutanti. Ancharius approached to salute Marius, but Marius did not hold out his hand to him; the followers of Marius, therefore, despatched him, according to directions which they had previously received.

When the punishments of individuals were nearly over, the first municipal towns of Italy were put up to sale, Spoletium, Interamnium, Præneste, and Florence. As to Sulmo, an ancient city in alliance and friendship with us, Sylla (a heinous act) ordered it, though not taken by siege, to be destroyed; just as enemies condemned by the law of arms, and malefactors sentenced to death, are ordered to be led to execution.

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CHAP. XXII. THE WAR WITH SERTORIUS. What was the war with Sertorius but a consequence of Sylla's proscription? Whether I should call it a war with foreign enemies, or a civil war, I do not know, as it was one which Lusitanians and Celtiberians carried on under the conduct of a Roman. Sertorius, a man of great but unsuc

1 Villa Publica] See the psuedo-Sallust's Second Epistle to Cæsar, c. 5. 2 Like wild beasts] Ritu ferarum. As beasts would be torn.

3 Eremies condemned, fc.] The concluding sentence of this chapter is nearly unintelligible. It stands thus in Duker's edition : Nam Sulmonem, vetus oppidum, socium atque amicum facinus indignum !) nondum expugnatum, ut obsides jure belli, et modo morte damnati duci jubentur : sic damnatam civitatem jussit Sulla deleri. For obsides Gronovius proposed to Grævius to read hostes, which succeeding critics have approved. Modo no one has attempted to explain, except Wopkens, (Lect. Tullian, 5, transcribed by Duker,) who says that it means nullâ quæstione adhibitâ, cæco impetu, or, as we should say, "off-hand.” I have given to the passage, in the translation, the sense in which I must suppose that Florus intended it; omitting the word damnatam.

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cessful ability, becoming an exile and fugitive from that fatal proscription, disturbed sea and land in consequence of his ill-treatment; and, trying his fortune, at one time in Africa, and at another in the Balearic isles, and being driven over the Ocean', went as far as the Fortunate Islands, and at length armed Spain.

A brave man easily unites himself with brave men; nor did the valour of the Spanish soldiery ever appear greater than under a Roman general. Nor was he indeed content with Spain, but extended his views to Mithridates and the people of Pontus, and assisted that king with a fleet. And what would have happened if they had formed a junction? The Roman state could not withstand so powerful an enemy as Sertorius by means of one general only. To Metellus was joined Cnæus Pompey: and these two wasted his forces for a long time, though always with doubtful success; nor was he at last subdued in the field, until he was betrayed by the villany and treachery of those about him. Having pursued his forces through almost all Spain, they were long in reducing them, the contests being always such that victory was dubious. The first battles were fought under the command of the lieutenant-generals ; Domitius and Thoriusmaking a commencement on one side, and the brothers Herculeii on the other. Soon afterwards, the two latter being overthrown at Segovia, and the former at the river Anas, the generals themselves tried their strength in the field, and at Lauron and Sucro suffered equal loss on both sides. Part of our army then devoting itself to the devastation of the country, and part to the destruction of the cities, unhappy Spain suffered for the disagreement between the Roman generals, till Sertorius, being cut off by the treachery of his people, and Perperna being defeated and given up, the cities themselves submitted to the power of the Romans, as Osca, Termes, Tutia, Valentia, Auxima, and, after having endured the extremity of famine, Calagurris. Spain was thus restored

i Ch. XXII. Being driven over the Ocean] Missusque in Oceanum. Missus, as the critics observe, can hardly be right. Lipsius conjectures victus, Perizonius fusus.

2 Domitius and Thorius] Lieutenant-generals of Metellus ; the brothers Herculeii, on the side of Sertorius, are mentioned by Frontin., i., 5, 8, Livy, Epit., XC., Eutrop., vi., 1, and other authors.

3 Roman generals] Sertorius and his opponents. Sertorius was by birth a Sabine.

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peace. The victorious generals would have the war accounted rather a foreign than a civil one, that they might have the honour of a triumph.

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CHAP. XXIII. THE CIVIL WAR UNDER LEPIDUS.

In the consulship of Marcus Lepidus, and Quintus Catulus, a civil war that was kindled was suppressed almost before it began ; but how violent was it!! It was a spark of the great civil contention that had spread abroad its fires from the very funeral pile of Sylla. For Lepidus, in his presumption, being eager for a change in the state of affairs, prepared to annul the acts of that eminent man, and not indeed unjustly, if he could have done so without much injury to the common. wealth. But he would not; for since Sylla, as dictator, had proscribed his enemies by the right of war, if Lepidus recalled those of them that survived, for what other end were they recalled than for a war? And since Sylla had assigned the estates of the condemned citizens, though seized unjustly, yet by form of law, a demand for their restitution would no doubt disturb the city that was now tranquillised. It was expedient, therefore, for the sick and wounded republic to continue quiet upon any terms, lest its wounds should be torn open by the dressing.

Lepidus, then, having alarmed the state, as with the blast of a trumpet, by his turbulent harangues, set out for Etruria, and thence brought arms and an army against Rome. But Lutatius Catulus and Cnæus Pompey, the captains and ring. leaders under Sylla’s tyranny, had previously occupied the Milvian bridge, and the Janiculan hill, with another army, Being repulsed by these generals in the first encounter, and afterwards declared an enemy by the senate, he fled back, without loss, to Etruria, and thence retired to Sardinia, where he died of disease and sorrow of mind. The conquerors, which was scarcely ever the case in the civil wars, were content with re-establishing peace.

i Ch. XXIII. But how violent was it !] In all the editions the passage stands, Sed quantum latèque fax illius motûs ab ipso Syllæ rogo exarsit ! Quantum latèque is mere nonsense, as all the commentators allow, except Perizonius, who would make it equivalent to quantum et quàm latè, but, as Duker remarks, he should have shown that other writers so express themselves. N. Heinsius conjectures quantum quàmque latè ; Duker, quàm latè ; Is. Vossius, quàm longè latèque. I have not attempted any close adherence to the text. Madame Dacier was inclined to expunge both quantum and latèque.

BOOK IV.

CHAP. I. THE INSURRECTION OF CATILINE. It was in the first place expensive indulgence, and, in the next, the want of means occasioned by it, with a fair opportunity at the same time, (for the Roman forces were then abroad in the remotest parts of the world,) that led Catiline to form the atrocious design of subjugating his country. With what accomplices (direful to relate !) did he undertake to murder the senate, to assassinate the consuls, to destroy the city by fire', to plunder the treasury, to subvert the entire government, and to commit such outrages as not even Hannibal seems to have contemplated! He was himself a patrician; but this was only a small consideration; there were joined with him the Curii, the Porcii, the Syllæ, the Cethegi, the Antronii, the Vargunteii, the Longini, (what illustrious families, what ornaments of the senate !) and Lentulus also, who was then prætor. All these he had as supporters in his horrid attempt. As a pledge to unite them in the plot, human blood” was introduced, which, being carried round in bowls, they drank among them; an act of the utmost enormity, had not that been more enormous for which they drank it. Then would have been an end of this glorious empire, if the conspiracy had not happened in the consulship of Cicero and Antonius, of whom one discovered the plot by vigilance, and the other suppressed it by arms.

The revelation of the atrocious project was made by Fulvia, a common harlot, but unwilling to be guilty of treason against her country. The consul Cicero, accordingly, having convoked the senate, made a speech against the accused, who was then present in the house; but nothing further was effected by it, than that the enemy made off, openly and expressly declaring3 that he would extinguish the flame raised

1 Ch. I. To destroy the city by fire] Distringere incendiis urbem. So ad distringendam libertatem, Sen. Benef., vi., 34, where Lipsius would read destringendam.

2 Human blood] See Sall., Cat., c. 22.

3 Openly and expressly declaring] Seque palam professo incendium, &c. The passage is evidently corrupt. Madame Dacier would strike out professo; Grævius would eject palam, and read ex professo, adverbially. Gronovius would

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