the Roman, not content with devastating the fields and villages, made attempts on the principal cities of Numidia, and for a long time sought in vain to reduce Zama; but Thala, a place stored with arms and the king's treasures, he succeeded in capturing. Afterwards he pursued the prince himself, deprived of his cities, and forced to flee from his country and kingdom, through Mauretania and Getulia. Finally, Marius, having greatly augmented the army, (for, from the obscurity of his own birth, he enlisted numbers of the lowest class of people,) attacked the king when he was already defeated and disabled, but did not conquer him more easily than if he had engaged him in full and fresh vigour. The same general, also, with wonderful good fortune, reduced Capsa, a city built by Hercules, lying in the middle of Africa, and defended by serpents and sandy deserts, and forced his way, by the aid of a certain Ligurian, into Mulucha, a city seated on a rocky eminence, the approach to it being steep and apparently inaccessible. Soon after he gave a signal overthrow, near the town of Cirta, not only to Jugurtha himself, but to Bocchus, the king of Mauretania, who, from ties of blood, had taken the part of the Numidian prince. But the Mauretanian, distrusting the condition of his own affairs, and apprehensive of being involved in another's ruin, offered to purchase, by the surrender of Jugurtha, a treaty and alliance with Rome. That most treacherous of princes, accordingly, was ensnared by the treachery of his own father-in-law, and delivered into the hands of Sylla, and the people of Rome at last beheld Jugurtha loaded with chains and led in triumph, while the king himself, conquered and captive, looked again on the city which he had vainly prophesied "was to be sold, and doomed to perish if it could but find a buyer." But if it had been to be sold1, it had a purchaser in him, and since he did not escape, it will appear certain that it is not destined to perish.

Duker and Perizonius observe, there is no conceivable difference between quasi vera fuga and simulata fuga. The manuscripts vary a little, but afford no help.

1 But if it had been to be sold] Jam ut venalis fuisset. Madame Dacier proprosed nam ut. Some editions have tamen ut.

CHAP. II. THE WAR WITH THE ALLOBROGES.

Nothing is more inis severe, and the temFrom all this tract, on midst of the northern The Salyi were the first

Thus did the Romans succeed in the south. In the north there were much more sanguinary proceedings, and in a greater number of places at once. clement than those regions. The air pers of the inhabitants similar to it. the right and the left, and in the quarter, burst forth savage enemies. people beyond the Alps that felt our arms, in consequence of Marseilles, a most faithful and friendly city, having complained of their inroads. The Allobroges and Arverni were the next, as similar complaints from the Edui called for our assistance and protection against them. The river Varus is a witness of our victories, as well as the Isara and Vindelicus, and the Rhone, the swiftest of all rivers. The greatest terror to the barbarians were the elephants, which matched the fierceness of those people. In the triumph there was nothing so conspicuous as king Bituitus, in his variegated arms and silver chariot, just as he had fought. How great the joy was for both victories, may be judged from the fact that both Domitius Enobarbus, and Fabius Maximus, erected towers of stone upon the places where they had fought, and fixed upon them trophies adorned with the arms of the enemy: a practice not usual with us, for the Roman people never upbraided their conquered enemies with their victories over them.

CHAP. III. THE WARS WITH THE CIMBRI, TEUTONES, AND

TIGURINI.

The Cimbri, Teutones, and Tigurini, fleeing from the extreme parts of Gaul1, because the Ocean had inundated their country, proceeded to seek new settlements throughout the world; and being shut out from Gaul and Spain, and wheel

1 Ch. III. From the extreme parts of Gaul] Ab extremis Galliæ. As Gallia occurs again, a few lines below, it is apparent that there is something wrong in the passage. Cluverius, Germ. Antiq., i., 10, ii., 4, iii., 22, suggests that we should read Germaniæ. Grævius and Duker say that the most ancient inhabitants of Gaul were Germans, and that therefore Florus may reasonably have used Gallia as synonymous with Germania. I have little doubt, however, that Cluverius is right; for Florus was too careful of his language to make so inelegant a repetition as exclusi Galliâ after ab extremis Galliæ profugi.

ing about1 towards Italy, they sent, deputies to the camp of Silanus, and from thence to the senate, requesting that "the people of Mars? would allot them some land as a stipend, and use their hands and arms for whatever purpose they pleased." But what lands could the people of Rome give them, when they were ready to fight among themselves about the agrarian laws? Finding their application, therefore, unsuccessful, they resolved to obtain by force what they could not get by intreaty. Silanus could not withstand the first attack of the barbarians, nor Manlius the second, nor Cæpio the third. All the three commanders were routed, and driven from their camps. Rome would have been destroyed, had not Marius happened to live in that age. Even he did not dare to engage them at once, but kept his soldiers in their camp, until the impetuous rage and fury, which the barbarians have instead of valour, should subside. The savages, in consequence, set off for Rome, insulting our men, and (such was their confidence of taking the city) asking them whether they had any messages to send to their wives. With not less expedition than they had threatened, they marched in three bodies over the Alps, the barriers of Italy. But Marius, exerting extraordinary speed, and taking a shorter route, quickly outstripped the enemy. Assailing first the Teutones, at the very foot of the Alps, in a place which they call Aqua Sextiæ, in how signal a battle (O heavenly powers!) did he overthrow them! The enemy possessed themselves of a valley, and a river running through the midst of it, while our men wanted water; but whether Marius allowed this to happen designedly, or turned an error to his advantage, is doubtful; certain it is, however, that the courage of the Romans, stimulated by necessity, was the cause of their victory. For when the troops clamoured for water, "You are men," he replied; "yonder you have it." Such, in consequence, was the spirit with which they fought, and such the slaughter of the enemy, that the Romans drank from the ensanguined stream not more water than blood of the bar

1 Wheeling about] Quum-regyrarent. The latter word is a conjecture of Salmasius, approved by Grævius. Duker retains the common reading remigrarent, which is manifestly corrupt.

2 The people of Mars] Martius populus. They intimated that one warlike people ought to oblige another warlike people.

barians. Their king himself, Teutobochus, who was accustomed to vault over four or six horses at once, could scarcely mount one when he fled, and being taken prisoner in the neighbouring forest, was a remarkable object in the triumph, for, being a man of extraordinary stature, he towered above the trophies themselves.

The Teutones being utterly cut off, Marius directed his efforts against the Cimbri. This people had made a descent, even (who would believe it ?) in the time of winter, which raises the Alps still higher than ordinary, rolling forward, like a falling mass of rock, from the Tridentine heights into Italy as far as the Adige. Attempting the passage of the river, not by the aid of a bridge or of boats, but, with the stupidity of savages, trying to stem it with their bodies, and making vain efforts to stop its current with their hands and shields, they at last blocked it up with a mass of trees thrown into it, and so got across. And had they immediately marched for Rome in a body, and eager for battle, the danger to the city would have been great; but delaying in the parts about Venice, where the climate of Italy is most luxurious, their vigour was diminished by the very mildness of the country and atmosphere. When they had been further relaxed by the use of bread, cooked flesh, and pleasant wines, Marius opportunely came up with them. They requested our general to fix upon a day for battle, and he appointed the next. They engaged in an open plain, which they call the Raudian field. There fell on the side of the enemy to the number of sixty thousand; on ours fewer than three hundred. The barbarians were slaughtered during an entire day. Marius had also assisted valour by artifice, in imitation of Hannibal and his stratagem at Cannæ. In the first place, he had fixed on a foggy day, so that he could charge the enemy before they were aware of his approach; and, as it

1 Raises the Alps] Quæ altiùs Alpes levat. "This is very true," says Grævius, "for snow is spread over snow, and is turned, they say, into stone." See c. 10, hyeme creverant Alpes.

2 He had fixed on a foggy day] Nebulosum diem. To attribute these stratagems to Marius, in imitation of Hannibal, is absurd. Marius was asked to fix a day for battle, and chose the next, without knowing whether it would be foggy or clear. The fog, too, as Florus says, was so dense that the Gauls could not see the Romans approaching; yet he states that there was sunshine reflected from the Roman helmets, and making the heaven seem in a blaze.

was windy also, he manoeuvred so that the dust was driven into the eyes and faces of the enemy; while, in addition, he had arranged his troops to face the east, so that, as was afterwards learned from the prisoners, the heaven seemed to be on fire from the glittering of the Roman helmets and the reflection of the sun's rays from them. But the struggle

with the enemies' wives was not less severe than that with themselves; for the women, being mounted on the waggons and other carriages, which had been ranged around as a defence, fought from them, as from towers, with spears and pikes. The death of these savages was as glorious as their contest for victory; for when, upon sending an embassy to Marius, they failed to obtain their liberty, and sacerdotal protection1, which it was not lawful to grant, they either fell, after strangling or braining the whole of their children, by mutual wounds, or hanged themselves, with ropes made of their own hair, upon trees and the yokes of their waggons. Their king Bojorix fell in the battle, fighting furiously, and not without avenging himself.

The third body, the Tigurini, which, as if for a reserve, had taken post on the Noric heights of the Alps, dispersing in different ways, and betaking themselves to ignoble flight or depredations, at last quite disappeared. This joyful and happy news, of the deliverance of Italy and the securing of the empire, the people of Rome received, not, as is usual, by the mouths of men, but, if we may believe it, by the intervention of the gods themselves. For the very same day on which the contest was decided, two young men, crowned with laurel, were seen, in front of the temple of Castor and Pollux, to deliver a letter to the prætor; and a general rumour prevailed in the theatre of a victory over the Cimbri, attended with the expression, "May it be happy for

1 Sacerdotal protection] Sacerdotium. "They did not desire, as Madame Dacier supposes, to institute any sacerdotal body, either peculiar to themselves, or in common with any other priests, but merely requested to be committed to the custody of the Vestal virgins. Orârunt ut-virginibus Vestalibus dono milterentur, affirmantes æquè se, atque illas, virilis concubitus expertes futuras. Val. Max., vi., 1, fin." Duker.

2 Of a victory over the Cimbri, &c.] Frequensque in spectaculo rumor Victoria Cimbrica Feliciter, dixit. Thus stands the passage in Duker's text, and, I believe, in all others, as if Victoria were a dative depending on feliciter, and the sense were, "Good fortune for the victory over the Cimbri." In this sense