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my other relatives, and friends, and connexions, various forms of destruction have overtaken them. Seized by Jugurtha, some have been crucified, and some thrown to wild beasts, while a few, whose lives have been spared, are shut up
in the darkness of the dungeon, and drag on, amid suffering and sorrow, an existence more grievous than death itself.
“If all that I have lost, or all that, from being friendly, has become hostile to me, remained unchanged, yet, in case of any sudden calamity, it is of you that I should still have to implore assistance, to whom, from the greatness of your empire, justice and injustice in general should be objects of regard. And at the present time, when I am exiled from my country and my home, when I am left alone, and destitute of all that is suitable to my dignity, to whom can I go, or to whom shall I appeal, but to you Shall I go to nations and kings, who, from our friendship with Rome, are all hostile to my family?
Could I go, indeed, to any place where there are not abundance of hostile monuments of my ancestors ? Will any one, who has ever been at enmity with you, take pity upon me?
"Masinissa, moreover, instructed us, Conscript Fathers, to cultivate no friendship but that of Rome, to adopt no new leagues or alliances, as we should find, in your good-will, abundance of efficient support; while, if the fortune of your empire should change, we must sink together with it. But, by your own merits, and the favour of the gods, you are great and powerful; the whole world regards you with favour and yields to your power; and you are the better able, in consequence, to attend to the grievances of your allies. My only fear is, that private friendship for Jugurtha, too little understood, may lead any of you astray; for his partisans, I hear, are doing their utmost in his behalf, soliciting and importuning you individually, to pass no decision against one who is absent, and whose cause is yet untried ; and saying that I state what is false, and only pretend to be an exile, when I might, if I pleased, have remained still in my kingdom. But would that I could see him?, by whose unnatural crime I
1 From being friendly, has become hostile to me] Ex necessariis advorsa facta sunt. “Si omnia mihi incolumia manerert, neque quidquam rerum mearum (s. præsidiorum) amisissem, neque Jugurtha aliique mihi ex necessariis inimici facti essent." Kritzius.
2 But would that I could see him, &c.] Quod utinam illum-videam. The quod,
am thus reduced to misery, pretending as I now pretend; and would that, either with you or with the immortal gods, there
may at length arise some regard for human interests ; for then assuredly will he, who is now audacious and triumphant in guilt, be tortured by every kind of suffering, and pay a heavy penalty for his ingratitude to my father, for the murder of my brother, and for the distress which he has brought upon myself. “And now, O my brother, dearest object of my affection,
0 though thy life has been prematurely taken from thee, and by a hand that should have been the last to touch it, yet I think thy fate a subject for rejoicing rather than lamentation, for, in losing life, thou hast not been cut off from a throne, but from flight, expatriation, poverty, and all those afflictions which now press upon me.
But I, unfortunate that I am, cast from the throne of my father into the depths of calamity, afford an example of human vicissitudes, undecided what course to adopt, whether to avenge thy wrongs, whilst 'I myself stand in need of assistance, or to attempt the recovery of my kingdom, whilst my life or death depends on the aid of others?.
“Would that death could be thought an honourable termination to my misfortunes, that I might not seem to live an object of contempt, if, sinking under my afflictions, I tamely submit to injustice. But now I can neither live with pleasure, nor can die without disgrace”. I implore you, therefore, Conscript Fathers, by your regard for yourselves, for in quod utinam, is the same as that in quod si, which we commonly translate but if. Quod, in such expressions, serves as a particle of connexion between what precedes and what follows it; the Latins being fond of connexion by means of relatives, See Zumpt’s Lat. Grammar on this point, Sect. 63, 82, Kenricks translation. Kritzius writes quodutinam, quodsi, quodnisi, 8c., as one word. Cortius injudiciously interprets quod in this passage as having facientem understood with it.
1 My life or death depends on the aid of others] Cujus vitæ necisque ex opibus alienis pendet. On the aid of the Romans. Unless they protected him, he expected to meet with the same fate as Hiempsal at the hands of Jugurtha.
2 Without disgrace] Sine dedecore. That is, if he did not succeed in getting revenge on Jugurtha.
3 By your regard for yourselves, fc.] I have here departed from the text of Cortins, who reads per, vos, liberos atque parentes, i. e. vos (obsecro) per liberos, &c., as most critics would explain it, though Cortius himself prefers taking vos as the nominative case, and joining it with subvenite, which follows. Most other
your children, and for your parents, and by the majesty of the Roman people, to grant me succour in my distress, to arrest the progress of injustice, and not to suffer the kingdom of Numidia, which is your own property, to sink into ruinthrough villany and the slaughter of our family.”
XV. When the prince had concluded his speech, the ambassadors of Jugurtha, depending more on their money than their cause, replied, in a few words, “ that Hiempsal had been put to death by the Numidians for his cruelty; that Adherbal, commencing war of his own accord, complained, after he was defeated, of being unable to do injury; and that Jugurtha intreated the senate not to consider him a different person from what he had been known to be at Numantia, nor to set the assertions of his enemy above his own conduct."
Both parties then withdrew from the senate-house, and the senate immediately proceeded to deliberate. The partisans of the ambassadors, with a great many others, corrupted by their influence, expressed contempt for the statements of Adherbal, extolled with the highest encomiums the merits of Jugurtha, and exerted themselves as strenuously, with their interest and eloquence, in defence of the guilt and infamy of another, as they would have striven for their own honour. A few, however, on the other hand, to whom right and justice were of more estimation than wealth, gave their opinion that Adherbal should be assisted, and the murder of Hiempsal severely avenged. Of all these the most foreditions have per vos, per liberos, atque parentes vestros, to which I have adhered. Per vos, though an adjuration not used in modern times, is found in other passages of the Roman writers. Thus Liv. xxix., 18: Per vos, fidemque vestram. Cic. pro Planc., c. 42: Per vos, per fortunas vestras.
1 To sink into ruin] Tabescere. “Paullatim interire.” Cortius. Lucret. ii., 1172: Omnia paullatim tabescere et ire Ad capulum.
“ This speech,” says Gerlach, “though of less weighty argument than the other speeches of Sallust, is composed with great art. Neither the speaker nor his cause was adapted for the highest flights of eloquence; but Sallust has shrouded Adherbal's weakness in excellent language. That there is a constant recurrence to the same topics, is no ground for blame; indeed, such recurrence could hardly be avoided, for it is natural to all speeches in which the orator earnestly labours to make his hearers adopt his own feelings and views. The Romans were again and again to be supplicated, and again and again to be reminded of the character and services of Masinissa, that they might be induced, if not by the love of justice, yet by the dread of censure, to relieve the distresses of his grandson. . . . He
ward was Æmilius Scaurusł, a man of noble birth and great energy, but factious, and ambitious of power, honour, and wealth; yet an artful concealer of his own vices. He, seeing that the bribery of Jugurtha was notorious and shameless, and fearing that, as in such cases often happens, its scandalous profusion might excite public odium, restrained himself from the indulgence of his ruling passion.
XVI. Yet that party gained the superiority in the senate, which preferred money and interest to justice. A decree was made, “that ten commissioners should divide the kingdom, which Micipsa had possessed, between Jugurtha and Adherbal.” Of this commission the leading person was Lucius Opimius', a man of distinction, and of great influence omits no argument or representation that could move the pity of the Romans ; and if his abject prostration of mind appears more suitable to a woman than a man, it is to be remembered that it is purposely introduced by Sallust to exhibit the weakness of his character."
1 XV. Æmilius Scaurus] He was princeps senatûs (see c. 25), and seems to be pretty faithfully characterised by Sallust as a man of eminent abilities, but too avaricious to be strictly honest. Cicero, who alludes to him in many passages with commendation (Off. i., 22, 30; Brut. 29; Pro Muræn. 7; Pro Fonteio, 7), mentions an anecdote respecting him (De Orat. ii., 70), which shows that he had a general character for covetousness. See Pliny, H. N. xxxvi., 15. Valerius Maximus (iii., 7, 8) tells another anecdote of him, which shows that he must have been held in much esteem, for whatever qualities, by the public. Being accused before the people of having taken a bribe from Mithridates, he made a few remarks on his own general conduct; and added, “ Varius of Sacro says that Marcus Scaurus, being bribed with the king's money, has betrayed the interests of the Roman people. Marcus Scaurus denies that he is guilty of what is laid to his charge. Which of the two do you believe?” The people dismissed the accusation; but the words of Scaurus may be regarded as those of a man rather seeking to convey a notion of his innocence, than capable of proving it. The circumstance which Cicero relates is this. Scaurus had incurred some obloquy for having, as it was said, taken possession of the property of a certain rich man, named Phyrgio Pompeius, without being entitled to it by any will; and being engaged as advocate in some canse, Memmins, who was pleading on the opposite side, seeing a funeral pass by at the time, said, “Scaurus, yonder is a dead man, on his way to the grave; if you can but get possession of his property!" I mention these matters because it has been thought that Sallust, from some ill-feeling, represents Scaurus as more avaricious than he really was.
2 His ruling passion] Consuetâ libidine. Namely, avarice.
3 XVI. Lucius Opimius] His contention with the party of C. Gracchus may be seen in any history of Rome. For receiving bribes from Jugurtha he was publicly accused, and, being condemned, ended his life, which was protracted to old age, in exile and neglect. Cic. Brut. 33; Planc. 28.
at that time in the senate, from having in his consulship, on the death of Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, prosecuted the victory of the nobility over the plebeians with great severity.
Jugurtha, though he had already counted Scaurus among his friends at Rome, yet received him with the most studied ceremony, and, by presents and promises, wrought on him so effectually, that he preferred the prince's interest to his own character, honour, and all other considerations. The rest of the commissioners he assailed in a similar way, and gained over most of them; by a few only integrity was more regarded than lucre. In the division of the kingdom, that
. part of Numidia which borders on Mauretania, and which is superior in fertility and population, was allotted to Jugurtha; of the other part, which, though better furnished with harbours and buildings, was more valuable in appearance than in reality, Adherbal became the possessor.
XVII. My subject seems to require of me, in this place, a brief account of the situation of Africa, and of those nations in it with whom we have had war or alliances. But of those tracts and countries, which, from their heat, or difficulty of access, or extent of desert, have been but little visited, I cannot possibly give any exact description. Of the rest I shall speak with all possible brevity.
In the division of the earth, most writers consider Africa as a third part; a few admit only two divisions, Asia and Europe, and include Africa in Europe. It is bounded, on the west, by the strait connecting our sea with the oceano; on the east, by a vast sloping tract, which the natives call the Catabathmos'. The sea is boisterous, and deficient in
1 XVII. Only two divisions, Asia and Europe] Thus Varro, de L. L. iv., 13, ed. Bip. “As all nature is divided into heaven and earth, so the heaven is divided into regions, and the earth into Asia and Europe." See Broukh. ad Tibull. iv., 1, 176.
2 The strait connecting our sea with the ocean] Fretum nostri maris et oceani. That is, the Fretum Gaditanum, or Strait of Gibraltar. By our sea, he means the Mediterranean. See Pomp. Mela, i., 1.
3 A vast sloping tract-Catabathmos] Declivem latitudinem, quem locum Catabathmon incolæ appellant. Catabathmus-vallis repente convexa, Plin. H. N. v., 5. Catabathmus, vallis devexa in Ægyptum, Pomp. Mela, i., 8. I have translated declivem latitudinem in conformity with these passages. Catabathmus, a Greek word, means a descent. There were two, the major and minor; Sallast speaks of the major.