"DEAREST PHILIP"-the father wrote-"a sad misfor tune has befallen me, which I had hoped to conceal, or, at any rate, to avert from my dear son. For you, Philip, are a participator in that misfortune through the imprudence -must I say it?-of your father. Would I had struck off the hand which has done the deed ere it had been done! But the fault has taken wings and flown out of my reach. Immeritus, dear boy, you have to suffer for the delicta majorum. Ah, that a father should have to own his fault to kneel and ask pardon of his son!

"I am engaged in many speculations. Some have succeeded beyond my wildest hopes: some have taken in the most rational, the most prudent, the least sanguine' of our capitalists in Wall Street, and promising the greatest results have ended in the most extreme failure! To meet a call in an undertaking which seemed to offer the MOST CERTAIN PROSPECTS of success, which seemed to promise a fortune for me and my boy, and your dear children, I put in among other securities which I had to realize on a sudden, a bill, on which I used your name. I dated it as drawn six months back by me at New York, on you at Parchment Buildings, Temple; and I wrote your acceptance as though the signature were yours. I give myself up to you. I tell you what I have done. Make the matter public. Give my confession to the world, as here I write, and sign it, and your father is branded forever to the world as a Spare me the word!

"As I live, as I hope for your forgiveness-long ere that bill became due. It is at five months' date for £386 48. 3d., value received, and dated from the Temple on the 4th of July. I passed it to one who promised to keep it until I myself should redeem it. The commission which he charged

me was enormous, rascally; and not content with the immense interest which he extorted from me, the scoundrel has passed the bill away, and it is in Europe, in the hands of an enemy.

"You remember Tufton Hunt? Yes. You most justly chastised him. The wretch lately made his detested appearance in this city, associated with the lowest of the base, and endeavored to resume his old practice of threats, cajoleries, and extortions! In a fatal hour the villain heard of the bill of which I have warned you. He purchased it from the gambler to whom it had been passed. As New York was speedily too hot to hold him (for the unhappy man has even left me to pay his hotel score), he has fledand fled to Europe-taking with him that fatal bill, which he says he knows you will pay. Ah! dear Philip, if that bill were but once out of the wretch's hands! What sleepless hours of agony should I be spared! I pray you, I implore you, make every sacrifice to meet it! You will not disown it? No. As you have children of your own-as you love them-you would not willingly let them leave a dishonored FATHER

"I have a share in a great medical discovery, regarding which I have written to our friend Mrs. Brandon, and which is sure to realize an immense profit, as introduced into England by a physician so well known-may I not say professionally? respected as myself. The very first profits resulting from that discovery I promise, on my honor, to devote to you. They will very soon far more than repay the loss which my imprudence has brought on my dear boy. Farewell! Love to your wife and little ones.-G. B. F."

Monthly Record of Current Events.

UNITED STATES.

UR Record closes on the 8th of May. The

of utmost

importance, and we close in hourly anticipation of tidings of decisive character from our armies in Virginia and the Southwest.The session of Congress is evidently approaching its close. When it is concluded we intend to furnish a general resume of its proceedings, noting the leading measures proposed, adopted, and postponed. Apart from general discussions, the leading topics of the month have been the passage by both Houses, and the signature by the President, of a bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; the Tax bill, which, having passed the House, is still under consideration in the Senate; and the Confiscation bills now before the Senate. For the time, however, military proceedings take precedence of all others. Reports of the operations of our forces have been so carefully guarded that we must confine our statements to a few ascertained facts:

They fell back to Williamsburg, their rear being closely pressed by our forces. Here they made a

according to the dispatch of General M'Clellan of the 6th, in their defeat, with considerable loss, and the abandonment of Williamsburg, which had, like Yorktown, been elaborately fortified.

General M'Dowell's division has been in the mean time pressing forward toward Richmond. The latest dispatches leave him in possession of the important town of Fredericksburg.

The battle of Pittsburg, or Shiloh, as it will probably be named, from a church standing near where it was fought, was hardly as decisive as our first reports indicated. On the first day, April 6, the result seemed to be wholly in favor of the Confederates, who, with greatly superior forces, attacked our lines, captured General Prentiss, with a large part of his command, and appeared to have won a decisive victory. General Beauregard telegraphed this result to Richmond, where it was received with great reYorktown, where Cornwallis surrendered in 1781, joicing. The advance of the enemy was checked virtually closing the war of the Revolution, was by our gun-boats, and the opportune arrival of reinstrongly fortified by the Confederates. The attack forcements under General Buell enabled us to assume upon this place was opened on the 5th of April by the offensive on the following day, when the enemy our forces, under the immediate direction of General were driven back toward Corinth. General Albert M'Clellan. While our works were pushed forward Sidney Johnston, the Commander-in-chief of the several sharp skirmishes took place, the most nota- Western Division of the Confederate army, was killable of which was on the 16th, at Lee's Mills, where ed in the action of the 6th. Our entire loss, as offithe Vermont brigade charged one of the enemy's en- cially given, amounts to 1735 killed, 7882 wounded, trenchments, carried, and held it against overwhelm- and 4044 missing-these including the prisoners caping odds, but were finally forced back, having suf- tured with General Prentiss a total loss of 13,661 fered a loss of 35 killed and 120 wounded. The ap- men. The loss of the enemy, in killed and woundproaches to the Confederate works were pushed on ed, probably exceeds our own; partial reports, gleanuntil the 4th of May, when all was ready for a vigor-ed from the Southern papers, already bring it up ous attack. But on the previous night the enemy evacuated the place, leaving behind 70 heavy guns, and a large amount of stores and camp equipage.

very nearly to our numbers. This battle, though not decisive, is the most bloody ever fought upon this continent. We close our Record for the month

in hourly anticipation of important tidings from this | armed men firing upon helpless women and children quarter.

in public he begins slowly, word creeping after word, the opening phrases being hardly audible. As he warms up his voice rises high and sonorous, the words pouring out with great fluency. His gestures are easy and rounded, and not ungraceful. Such, according to Mr. Burton, is the outward aspect of "His Excellency Brigham Young, once painter and glazier,' now prophet, revelator, translator, and seer; the man who is revered as king or kaiser, pope or pontiff never was; who, like the Old Man of the Mountain, by holding up his hand, could cause the death of any one within his reach." He is indeed the brain and heart of the Mormon theocracy. What form this will take, and by whose hands it will be guided when he is gone, no man can say. Mormons themselves profess no anxiety upon these points. "The Lord," they say, "who raised up Brigham when Joseph was taken, will provide a leader when he is wanted." Mr. Burton gives humorous but not unfavorable sketches of the other Mormon dignitaries; but not one of them seems likely to be able to fill the place of the Prophet. Life in Salt Lake City presents, at least among the Mormons, few ludicrous aspects. "Brother" and "Sister" take the place of the "Mr." and "Mrs." of the Gentiles. Ask a boy what is his name, and he will reply, "I am Brother So-and-So's son." To distinguish the sons of one father by different mothers, the name of the

The City of the Saints, by RICHARD H. BURTON, author of "The Lake Regions of Central Africa." (Published by Harper and Brothers.) Captain Burton, having visited the sacred cities of Hindoos and Jews, Mohammedans and Christians, was naturally anxious to see the Holy City of the Mormons. He is a veteran traveler, knowing how to gather facts from his own observation and from that of others; and was well prepared to describe the Saints and their famous city. Being an Englishman, he was not liable to the prejudice which exists among the Mormons against Americans. Still, he does not pretend that his stay of twenty-four days enabled him to penetrate into those secrets of the faith which are revealed only to the initiated. He undertakes to tell only what he saw and heard. He takes, moreover, the attitude of a philosophical observer, to whom the manners of any people, however strange, afford no cause of wonder. Thus he coolly sums up the advantages and disadvantages of polygamy, and calmly decides that though not adapted to a thickly-settled country, yet for the Mormons it is a very natural, and probably a desirable institution. We of course dissent wholly from Mr. Burton's conclusion; but it is worth while to examine the arguments by which he supports it. They enlighten us as to the process by which men and women, not deficient in intelligence, and with no special vicious proclivities, may hold a tenet so abhor-mother is prefixed to that of the father. Brother rent to our feelings. But the special value of the book is its picture of Mormon life and manners, as they presented themselves to an impartial observer. Mr. Burton's representations are much more favorable than those to which we are accustomed. To him the Mormons appear a peaceful, industrious, law-abiding people. He saw no traces of the rudeness and profligacy of which we have been so often told; respectability, decorum, dullness even, is the law of the land. "A Moslem gloom, the result of austere morals and manners, and of the semi-seclusion of the sex, hangs over society." He utterly discredits the accounts so often repeated of obscene orgies said to be practiced in the secrecy of the Endowment House. Mr. Burton was introduced to Brigham Young by Governor Cummings. The description of the Prophet is interesting. Though verging upon threescore scarcely a silver thread appears in his light hair. His forehead is narrow; eyes of a bluish-gray, with one drooping lid; eye-exclusive as Thibet and Northern China, where the brows thin; nose fine, sharp-pointed, set a little awry; lips close; teeth imperfect; form large, broad-shouldered, somewhat stooping. His dress was of gray homespun, cut large and baggy, with black satin vest, and a cravat knotted loosely around an unstarched fall-over collar. His whole appearance was that of a well-to-do Yankee farmer. Contrary to what is so often said, he is temperate almost to asceticism, abstaining from liquors and tobacco, and indifferent to the luxuries of the table, baked potatoes and butter-milk forming his favorite food. His manner is calm and quiet, though even in conversation he impresses one with an air of conscious power. He said nothing to his visitor on religious or political topics, but came out strong on agriculture and cattle-breeding. Mr. Burton, of course, made no inquiries as to the number of his family, though a casual remark of the Prophet intimated that he was a patriarch as well. "That," said he, pointing to a building of considerable size, "is a private school for my children." When he speaks

Smith's sons by Sisters Brown, Jones, and Robinson, will be Brother Brown Smith, Brother Jones Smith, and Brother Robinson Smith. Mr. Burton's representation of the Mormon doctrines has the merit of being faithfully compiled from their own recognized authorities, without being colored by the opinions of the writer, and on this account is well worthy of careful perusal. Even in his brief visit Mr. Burton was forcibly impressed with the disaffection of the Mormons toward the United States. The harangues in the tabernacle, the columns of the Deseret News, and the talk of the people all show it. "They regard the States as the States regarded England after the War of Independence, and hate them as the Mexican Criolles hate the Gachupins-and much for the same reason." Mr. Burton believes that absolute independence will be, until attained, the aim of the Mormon leaders; and that Deserét will in the end become a sovereign and independent State, as

rigors of the Mosaic code will be re-enacted, polygamy legalized, fornication punished with stripes and imprisonment, and adultery with death. As a whole, Mr. Burton's book is the most valuable as well as the most readable one which has been published concerning this peculiar people, and will amply repay careful perusal.

The Rebellion Record, edited by FRANK MOORE. The design and execution of this work are alike admirable. Its object is to furnish, in a digested and systematic shape, the materials from which is to be constructed a history of the great struggle through which the nation is now passing. Keeping somewhat behind the march of events, the editor selects from the mass of statements and documents which fill the columns of the newspapers of the day every thing the preservation of which will elucidate the varying aspects of the war. It comprises a diary of events as they occur in order of time, the ascertained facts being carefully sifted from the mass of floating rumors; all the important documents and

"Magenta House" career, ending in most deserved bankruptcy, is detailed with infinite humor. It is just the book to while away the tedium of a railway ride on a summer's day. (Harper and Brothers.)

Mr. D. Van Nostrand has made the publication of military books a specialty. Among the more important of his recent issues is the Military Dictionary of Colonel H. L. SCOTT, late Inspector-General of the United States Army. This is a complete Ency

narratives faithfully reproduced, upon both sides; with the lighter incidents, poetry, anecdotes, and adventures, which serve to make up the picture of the times. We have had almost daily occasion to consult this work, and have never failed to find any important document or fact duly noted. To the future historian this Record will be for this war what the archives of Simancas were to Mr. Motley in elaborating his history of the Dutch Republic. The Record is issued in weekly numbers, and afterward col-clopædia of military science, comprising not merely lected into volumes. The first, to which is prefixed as an introduction Edward Everett's noble address, contains the events to the middle of June, 1861; the second, those to the close of August; and the third, which has just been completed, brings the history down to February, 1862. A copious index to each volume gives every facility for referring to any incident or document. (G. P. Putnam, publisher.)

Considerations on Representative Government, by JOHN STUART MILL. (Published by Harper and Brothers.) Mr. Mill is the author of the article on the "Contest in America," which appeared in the April Number of this Magazine-the only well-considered paper on this subject which has yet been written by any Englishman. He is beyond doubt the ablest political thinker of Great Britain. In this treatise he discusses the whole theory of government, shows that a representative form is the best for any people who are prepared for it; points out the special dangers to which it is exposed, and suggests the means of obviating them. The argument in favor of universal suffrage, and the mode which he proposes for securing to minorities their appropriate share in the government, are especially worthy of attention. Although his scheme to provide for this latter object embraces details which will render it too cumbrous to be carried into practical effect, yet his observations are of great value. As a whole, his work is the ablest contribution made to political science since the publication of the "Federalist;" and it will command the attention of all American statesmen, at a time when it is probable that some modifications in the form of our institutions is likely to be demanded by the new posture of our affairs.

definitions of technical terms, but profound and exhaustive treatises upon all the important subjects pertaining to the art of war and the duties of officers.-The New Infantry Tactics, by General SILAS CASEY, has received the approval of General M'Clellan, and may therefore safely be assumed to possess decided value. - GIBBON'S Artillerist's Manual is recognized as the standard authority for this important arm of the national forces.-BENTON'S Ordnance and Gunnery, compiled for the use of the Military Academy at West Point; and SIMPSON'S Treatise on Ordnance and Naval Gunnery, prepared as a textbook for the Naval Academy, appear in new editions, bringing the information down to the present time. So also does the treatise on American Military Bridges, by General GEO. W. CULLUM, Chief of the Staff of General Halleck.

Harper's Hand-Book for Travelers in Europe and the East, by W. PEMBROKE FETRIDGE. The author of this comprehensive book has performed a labor which will insure him the gratitude of all tourists. Within the compass of a single volume, so compact that it may be carried in the pocket, he has given a condensation of all the essential information which the traveler needs to guide him through France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Great Britain, Egypt, Syria, and Palestine; the substance, in fact, of all that is contained in more than a score of Guide-Books, which every tourist has heretofore found an essential though cumbrous part of his impedimenta. Mr. Fetridge lays down a series of routes for different classes of tourists. Making Paris his starting-point, he conducts the traveler who has only three or four months to spare through France, Holland, the most interesting portions of Germany, into Switzerland and Italy, and through Great Britain and Ireland. If he has two months more, in addition to these, he is taken still farther into Germany and Italy. If he has a year, his tour is extended to Egypt, up the Nile, through Syria and Palestine, visiting Jerusalem, the Dead Sea, Baalbeck, and Damascus. If he has an additional two months, they are spent in Spain and on the Mediter

The "Household Edition" of the Works of CHARLES DICKENS, published by Sheldon and Company, is by far the most attractive form in which the works of "Boz" have been issued, either in this country or in England. "Martin Chuzzlewit," which commences the series, is comprised in four neat volumes of convenient size, beautifully printed, and illustrated with original sketches by Darley and Gilbert, who stand unquestionably at the head of the American and En-ranean islands. He gives minute directions as to all glish schools of illustrators.

the details of travel; tells where to go, and how; The Last of the Mortimers is the latest novel by what to see, and what to avoid; what to pay, and MRS. OLIPHANT, the author of "Margaret Mait- what to refuse to pay, down to the minutiae of railland," "The Laird of Norlaw," and other capital road fares and the proper fees for a cicerone or custotales. This is one of the best of her works, charac-dian of a gallery. The work is based upon a practerized by a delicate vein of thought, with a larger tical experience of the precise wants of the American element of incident and dramatic power than ap-tourist, and is no less valuable for what it omits than pears in most of her previous productions. (Harper for what it contains. It is so compact in form, so and Brothers.) clear in arrangement, so thoroughly practical in all The Struggles of Brown, Jones, and Robinson is points of detail, that it can not fail to be the recogan amusing story from the facile pen of Mr. Ax-nized rade mecum of American tourists; while those THONY TROLLOPE. The heroes-quite different per- who have already traveled will find in it an admira. sonages from the trio of the same names whose for-ble resumé of what they have seen, or ought to have eign tour was immortalized by Doyle--are a firm of seen. Its value is greatly enhanced by an admiraLondon shopkeepers, who, with little capital and ble map, in which all the main routes are clearly small credit, attempt to do a "smashing" business laid down in a separate color. (Published by Harby dint of enormous advertising and humbug. Their per and Brothers.)

HE

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. -On the 11th of June, 1776, the day on which the Committee for preparing the Declaration of Independence was appointed, Congress resolved that a Committee be appointed to prepare and digest a form of Confederation to be entered into between the colonies. This Committee, which consisted of one member from each colony, was appointed on the following day. In about a month this Committee reported to Congress a draft, which was debated for several days in the Committee of the Whole, who reported a new draft, which was ordered to be printed. It was not finally acted upon by Congress till November, 1777-more than two years after the Declaration of Independence-when the Articles of Confederation were agreed upon by Congress. Congress then addressed a circular to the Legislatures of the States, requesting them to authorize their Delegates in Congress to subscribe to the Articles of Confederation in behalf of their respective States. With this request the Legislatures were by no means prompt in complying. Many objections were made to the Articles, and they were not ratified by all the States till March, 1781-nearly five years after the Declaration of Independence. The Articles were not binding till they were adopted by all the States. Up to the time of their adoption Congress had, by common consent, exercised the powers of a General Government.

when, to use

guage of Washington, it would seem to be a subject of "regret that so much blood and treasure have been lavished to no purpose; that so many sufferings have been encountered without compensation, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain." In this gloomy state of affairs James Madison made the first public legislative movement toward the establishment of a better government. He became a member of the Legislature of Virginia in May, 1784, but was not able to secure the co-operation of a majority of the Legislature till June, 1786, and then only so far as to adopt the following resolution: "Resolved, That Messrs. Randolph, Madison, Jones, Tucker, and Lewis be appointed Commissioners, who, or any three of whom, shall meet such Commissioners as may be appointed by other States in the Union to take into consideration the trade of the United States, to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial regulations may be necessary to their common interests and their permanent harmony, and to report to the several States such an act relative to this great object as, when unanimously ratified by them, will enable the United States effectually to provide for the same."

All the States, except Maryland, Connecticut, South Carolina, and Georgia, appointed Delegates to a Convention to meet at Annapolis, September, 1786. The Delegates of five States attended the Convention, viz., New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Virginia. During the interval between the passage of the above-mentioned resolution and the meeting of the Convention the state of the country and the defects of the Confederation had formed the subject of earnest discussion throughout the States, and there had been an advance of public opinion in the direction of giving additional power to Congress. In consequence the Convention was led to decline the limited task assigned to it, and to recommend to the States the calling of a Convention with powers adequate to the occasion. A report containing this recommendation was drawn up by Alexander Hamilton. This recommendation was first acted upon by the Legislature of Virginia, where it met with a unanimous approval. New York was the next State that moved in the matter. Her Legislature instructed her Delegates in Congress to move a resolution recommending to the States the appointment of delegates "to meet in convention for the purpose of revising and proposing amendments to the Articles of Confederation."

The States were now united by written articles of agreement. Each State was to "reserve its sovereignty, independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right which were not by the Articles of Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled." The Delegates to Congress-which was to consist of a single House-were to be appointed annually in such a manner as the Legislatures of each State should direct; each State to have not less than two nor more than seven Delegates; each State to pay its own Delegates; each State to have one vote, which was to be determined by a majority of its Delegates. Congress was to have power to declare war and make peace; to enter into treaties and alliances; to appoint courts for the trial of piracies and felonies on the high seas; to fix the standard of weights and measures; to establish post-offices; to coin money and emit bills on the credit of the United States; to ascertain and apportion among the States the sums necessary for defraying the public expenses. For the exercise of the more important of these powers the assent of nine States was necessary. No provision was made for a national judiciary, or for an executive department distinct from the legislative. The acts of Congress were thus, in fact, mere recommendations, which the States complied with or not as they saw fit. The defects of the Confederation were soon apparent. The National On the day appointed for the meeting of the ConGovernment had no efficiency. Washington's per-vention (May 14) only a small number of the Delesonal influence, and not the power of the Government, brought the Revolution to a successful issue. Washington said, "The Confederation appears to me to be little more than a shadow without the substance; and Congress a nugatory body, their ordinances being little attended to."

After the close of the war matters grew still worse. The entire prostration of public credit, the dissensions between the States, and the utter neglect with which the resolves of Congress were treated, threatened the most alarming consequences. The time

On the 21st of February, 1787, a resolution was adopted in Congress, recommending that the State Legislatures appoint Delegates to meet in Convention at Philadelphia on the second Monday in May, 1787. Delegates were accordingly appointed by all the States except Rhode Island.

gates had arrived in Philadelphia. The Convention did not open till May 25, when there were present twenty-nine members, representing nine States. Others soon after came in, till the whole number amounted to fifty-five. Among them were Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Franklin, Sherman, Ellsworth, King, Livingston, the Morrises, Pinckney, Wilson, and others scarcely less distinguished for talents and public services. Robert Morris, in behalf of the delegation from Pennsylvania, nominated Washington to preside over the Convention.