The larger creed of deism, as maintained in the eighteenth century, 13-15.
The ground usually ceded by English apologists, 16-20. The ethical plagiarism
of deistic authors, 20-3. The decline of religion in the earlier half of the
eighteenth century, 23-5. English deists: Toland, Collins, Woolston, Annet,
Morgan, Chubb, Paine, Tindal, Shaftesbury, Bolingbroke, Hume, 24-32.
English apologists: Butler, Locke, Lardner, Paley, etc., 32-8. The Utopian
views of the deists, 38-40.
Rationalism first spread in Germany by means of English deistic books, 41-2.
Aided by the decay of Lutheran orthodoxy and by a controversy against
pietism, 44. Orthodox men: Mosheim, Baumgarten, Michaelis, Ernesti, 45.
Moderate rationalists: Sack, Spalding, Jerusalem, 45-6. Reimarus on
natural religion, 46-8. Semler and Bahrdt, 46-56. Popular philosophers :
Nicolai, Garve, Mendelssohn, Eberhard, 56-7. Educational projects, 57-9.
The logic of the apologists, 60. Dodwell's appeal to the faith of myriads, 61.
The ultimate results of Rationalism, 61-3.
supposed pantheism, 76, 80-82. His drama of "Nathan," 69, 77-9. Questions
that Lessing leaves open, 83-7. The melancholy of his later years, 81. His
remarks on Spinozism, 81-2. On the general characteristics of Rationalism,
67, 69, 70, 74, 87. On the Resurrection, 71. His mysticism, or intuition, 70.
His views on religious persecution, 69.
Herder's general notion of revelation, 89. His friend and teacher, Hamann,
90-91. His early acquaintance with Goethe, 92-94. His extensive literary
services, 94-9. The wide spread of Rationalism in Herder's time, 100-104.
His "Ideas on the Philosophy of History," 104 6. His dubious or timid views
respecting Christology, 107-9. His theory of evolution, 110-11. His Utopian
notions of a future culture, 110-12. Wide-spread influence of his teaching,
111-12. The Pelagian character of his teaching, 112-13. The melancholy
of his later years, 113.
The freethinking men of Berlin, 115. The common confession of Jacobi's
friends, 116-17. His life and correspondence, 117-20. His friend J. G. Hamann,
120-22. The Princess Gallitzin and her friends at Münster; Catholics and
Lutherans, 122-3. Imaginary plots of so-called "Jesuits; Lavater and his
"black cap," 123-4. Leopold von Stolberg declares himself a member of the
Roman Catholic Church, and is censured by J. H. Voss, 124-6. Stolberg's
correspondence with Jacobi, 126. J. K. Lavater, 127-131-J. H. Jung
(known as Jung-Stilling), 132. M. Claudius; his "Wandsbeck Messenger,"
133-5. Jacobi on principle accepts for guidance only his own moral and
religious ideas and feelings, but is not at rest in his position, 135-8. His
doctrine of intuition and his subjective “faith," 138. His doctrine of intuition
compared with Kant's "postulates" of the moral conscience, 139-40. Jacobi,
Kant and Fichte-alike dissatisfied with deism or rationalism-wished to find
some basis of ethics, 140-42. Jacobi especially distrusts the conclusions of moral
philosophy; but cannot accept Christianity as a revelation, 142-4. Jacobi,
Kant and Fichte, all wished to find-as apart from revelation-a basis for
ethics; and all confessed their failure, 144-6.
Hume in theory destroys the basis of both deism and rationalism, 147-8.
Kant sees clearly the gist of Hume's negation, 148. Kant; an outline of his
biography, 148-51. His "Critique of Pure Reason," 153. His "practical
reason (= moral conscience), and practical theism, 154-5. Not satisfied with
his own ethical basis; but admits that there exists in human nature" a radical
evil," 155-7. The world therefore requires the presence of the Christian
Church; and especially the light displayed in the person of Christ, 157-8.
His views, as regards the authority of the Church, are merely subjective; and
he still maintains that man's moral conscience ought to be independent and
self-sufficient, 158-60. His views on "mediation," faith, and "prayer;"
heathen religions and Judaism, natural religion, utilitarian morals, 161.5.
Schools of theology founded on Kant's teaching, 163-4. General results of his
teaching, 164-6. He admits a need of divine revelation, and yet tacitly denies
its existence, 166-7. He contradicts himself in asserting the independence of
our conscience, and also its need of religious aid, 167-70. Viewed apart from
this self-contradiction, his general teaching implies that ethics ought to be, and
can be, independent of religion, 167-9. And this general notion has been
supposed to be well-grounded on Kant's moral philosophy, and has been widely
spread by a free use of his name (especially by Carlyle), 169-71. This false
notion, rejected indirectly by himself, afterwards by Fichte, is especially
denounced in the strongest terms by Hegel, who asserts that political institu-
tions are based on ethics; and that ethics are based on religion, 171-4. Kant
therefore indirectly gave aid to the spread of the "monstrous error of our
times," 174. Practically Kant was a reverential man, who must not be classed
with the commonplace rationalists of his time, 176.
Fichte in his first philosophy makes the mind of man absolute, as the source
of all knowledge, and his conscience absolute, as the source of all morality and
law, 178-9. He was therefore accused of atheism; so far justly as he recognized
no existence of God save in "moral order," and ascribed this order solely to
man's own conscience. He thus brought to a climax the doctrine of indepen-
dence or autonomy which Kant had but partially maintained, 180. Fichte was
led partly by experience to abandon his first position, 181-6. He denounces
the frivolity of the freethinking men of Berlin, 187-8. Makes a distinction
between morality and religion, and asserts now that religion is the soul of
morality, 188-90. Renounces his early independence, and confesses that all
men are ethically dependent on Christ, who has opened for all the way to the
Kingdom of Heaven, 191-4. His later philosophy ignored by Carlyle, who has
spread widely a knowledge of Fichte's philosophy of moral independence, 194.
Carlyle belongs to a class of men remarkable for their wide-spread sym-
pathies, 195-6. An outline of his biography, 197-200. His various studies,
literary essays and "latter-day pamphlets," 200-202. His gospel of "work,”
202. His partial representations of the doctrines of Kant and Fichte, 202-4,
He ignores their later moral teaching, 203. His unhistorical notion of freedom,
and ignorance of the fact, that freedom "for all men was first taught by Jesus
Christ, 204-8. His ethical teaching not founded on any religion, but on
Fichte's first (or independent) ethical philosophy, 208-13. In opposition to
Carlyle's teaching it is shown, that religion and ethics are distinct though
united, 213-16. His references to religious authority are vague, and virtually
amount to nothing more than appeals to conscience, 217. Carlyle severely
criticizes the religious faith of other men; yet tells nothing of any better faith,
217-19. For maintenance of moral order he appeals ultimately to political
power, lauds despotism, and defends slavery, 219-20. Suppositions respecting
his tacit rejection of Christianity, 220-21. The problem suggested by his
writings, 222-4.
The close of the eighteenth century a turning-point in philosophy, &c.,
225-6. Popular results of destructive biblical criticism, 226-7. The retracta-
tions of Kant and Fichte popularly ignored; ethical independence still asserted,
228. Anticipatory view of a new philosophy, 228-30. Some restoration of
religious belief, 230-31. Anticipatory notice of a new rationalism, 232-6.
How was the Gospel first spread ?-The convergence of the three lines of
evidence :-ethical, philosophical, and historical, 236-42. A new moral and
spiritual creation, 240. Christianity, the "absolute religion," the basis of all
truly "humanitarian" movements, 242-6. Concessions made by philosophy,
245-6. The philosophy of Schelling and Hegel recognizes as consonant with
their general theory the central tenet of Christian belief, 247. Transition from
philosophy to general literature, 247.
A revolutionary time in general literature, 249. The indirect influence of
poetry, 250-52. Klopstock: a sketch of his biography, 253-5. Klopstock
would make German poetry Christian, 255-60. Wieland: a sketch of his
biography, 261-2. Wieland makes poetic literature subservient to sensualism,
Schiller: a sketch of his biography, 319-23. His writings divided into
three classes, 323-4. Schiller had an earlier and a later idea of freedom, 324-7.
His early faith and his early unbelief, 327-9. His faith in the moral power of
CHAPTER XIV. THE "ROMANTIC SCHOOL," ETC.
Includes men of various classes, all united in their desire for a restoration
of religious belief, 347-9. The brothers Schlegel, Novalis, Tieck, Jean Paul,
349-55. The war of liberation: Arndt, Rückert, Uhland, Kerner, Lenau,
Chamisso, 355-60. The decline of the Romantic School; political and social
questions made prominent in the writings of Börne, Heine, Gutzkow, etc., 360-
61. Schefer: his pantheistic or naturalistic poetry, 364-5. Minor poets of
our time; hymn-writers; the subjective character of our modern hymns, 365-6.
CHAPTER XV.-MYSTICISM.-SPECULATIVE PHILOSOPHY.
The question, "Are our thoughts more than subjective ?" leads beyond Kant's
philosophy, to mysticism or to speculative philosophy. The affirmative reply,
not supported by logic, is called mysticism; when so supported is called specu-
lative philosophy, 367-73. Kant's subjective ethics illustrated in a practical
case of conscience, 373-78. Steffens is led from mysticism to the Christian
faith, 380-90. The positive contents of mysticism derived from the medieval
Church, 391-5. The first principle of speculative philosophy, 395-6. Altered
relations of philosophy and religion, 397-8.
The tendency of Schelling and Hegel described as "pantheistic," 399-401.
Schelling: sketch of his biography, 401-4. His earlier and his later philosophy,
404-9. His philosophy of revelation, 409-11, 415. The Hegelian School, 411-
415. Hegel sketch of his biography, 416-17. The general form of his logic,
418-19. Views of society, history, freedom, art, 419-22. His declarations
respecting Christian tenets, 422-7. The question raised respecting his own
historical belief, 426 7. Three interpretations of Hegelian teaching: the
mythical theory of Strauss based on the first interpretation, 395, 426-9.
Strauss and Baur especially opposed to Schleiermacher's first principle of
Christian belief, 446-8. The initial difficulty of Strauss and Baur; the alter-
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