ington, as Mr. Adolphus tells us, "remonstrated with force "and firmness" against the non-fulfilment of the Saratoga Convention. Most fully relying, as I know that I have good reason to do, on Mr. Sparks's personal honour and integrity, I at once retract the suspicions which I had expressed upon that subject. But I can by no means concur with him in thinking that these suspicions were sufficiently disproved by the mere perusal of the London edition of Washington's "Official Letters" as published in 1795. This old collection, as the very title indicates, is of course far less extensive and valuable than that of Mr. Sparks, who had not merely the official but a great variety of private letters at his command. It therefore seemed to me perfectly reasonable to infer that some passages in Washington's confidential correspondence, not of course to be found in his “Official Letters,” but which both Mr. Adolphus and Mr. Sparks had seen in MS. and which Mr. Sparks might have inserted if he pleased, were the source (and I can guess no other) of that "remonstrance" which Mr. Adolphus has alleged in such positive terms. All these surmises, however, are fully and for ever set at rest in my mind by Mr. Sparks's direct assertion to the contrary.

June 1853.

LIEUT.-COL. SMITH TO GOVERNOR GAGE.

[State Paper Office.]

SIR,

Boston, April 22. 1775.

In obedience to your Excellency's commands, I marched on the evening of the 18th inst. with the corps of grenadiers and light infantry for Concord, to execute your Excellency's orders with respect to destroying all ammunition, artillery, tents, &c., collected there, which was effected, having knocked off the trunnions of three pieces of iron ordnance, some new gun carriages, a great number of carriage wheels burnt, a considerable quantity

of flour, some gunpowder and musquet balls, with other small articles thrown into the river. Notwithstanding we marched with the utmost expedition and secrecy, we found the country had intelligence or strong suspicion of our coming, and fired many signal guns, and rung the alarm bells repeatedly; and were informed, when at Concord, that some cannon had been taken out of the town that day, that others, with some stores, had been carried three days before, which prevented our having an opportunity of destroying so much as might have been expected at our first setting off.

I think it proper to observe, that when I had got some miles on the march from Boston, I detached six light infantry companies to march with all expedition to seize the two bridges on different roads beyond Concord. On these companies' arrival at Lexington, I understand, from the report of Major Pitcairn, who was with them, and from many officers, that they found on a green close to the road a body of the country people drawn up in military order, with arms and accoutrements, and, as appeared after, loaded; and that they had posted some men in a dwelling and Meeting-house. Our troops advanced towards them, without any intention of injuring them, further than to inquire the reason of their being thus assembled, and, if not satisfactory, to have secured their arms; but they in confusion went off, principally to the left, only one of them fired before he went off, and three or four more jumped over a wall and fired from behind it among the soldiers; on which the troops returned it, and killed several of them. They likewise fired on the soldiers from the Meeting and dwelling-house. We had one man wounded, and Major Pitcairn's horse shot in two places. Rather earlier than this, on the road, a countryman from behind a wall had snapped his piece at Lieutenants Adair and Sutherland, but it flashed and did not go off. After this we saw some in the woods, but marched on to Concord without anything further happening. While at Concord we saw vast numbers assembling in many parts; at one of the bridges they marched down, with a very considerable body, on the light infantry posted there. On their coming pretty near, one of our men fired on them, which they returned; on which

an action ensued, and some few were killed and wounded. In this affair, it appears that after the bridge was quitted, they scalped and otherwise ill-treated one or two of the men who were either killed or severely wounded, being seen by a party that marched by soon after. At Concord we found very few inhabitants in the town; those we met with both Major Pitcairn and myself took all possible pains to convince that we meant them no injury, and that if they opened their doors when required to search for military stores, not the slightest mischief would be done. We had opportunities of convincing them of our good intentions, but they were sulky; and one of them even struck Major Pitcairn. On our leaving Concord to return to Boston, they began to fire on us from behind the walls, ditches, trees, &c., which, as we marched, increased to a very great degree, and continued without the intermission of five minutes altogether, for, I believe, upwards of eighteen miles; so that I can't think but it must have been a preconcerted scheme in them, to attack the King's troops the first favourable opportunity that offered, otherwise, I think they could not, in so short a time as from our marching out, have raised such a numerous body, and for so great a space of ground. Notwithstanding the enemy's numbers, they did not make one gallant attempt dnring so long an action, though our men were so very much fatigued, but kept under cover.

I have the honour, &c.

F. SMITH, Lt.-Col. 10th Foot.

EDW. GIBBON, ESQ., TO EDW". ELIOT, ESQ.
[Eliot MSS.]
(Extract.)

London, May 31. 1775.

You have seen by the papers the unpleasant news from America; unpleasant, as a single drop of blood may be considered as the signal of civil war. For otherwise it was not an engagement, much less a defeat. The King's troops were ordered to destroy a magazine at Con

cord. They marched, did their business, and returned; but they were frequently fired at from behind stone walls, and from the windows in the villages. It was to those houses they were obliged to set fire. Ensign Gould (of Northamptonshire) had been left with twelve men to guard a bridge, and was taken prisoner. The next day, the Provincial Congress sent a vessel, without her freight, express to England; no letters were put on board but their own, nor did the crew know their destination till they were on the banks of Newfoundland; so that Government has not any authentic account. The master says that the day after the engagement the country rose, and that he left Boston invested by 1500 tents, with cannon, and under the command of Colonel Ward, who was at the head of a provincial regiment in the last war; but unless fanaticism gets the better of self-preservation, they must soon disperse, as it is the season for sowing their Indian corn, the chief sustenance of New England. Such, at least, is the opinion of Governor Hutchinson, from whom I have these particulars.

66

NOTE ON THE BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL.

Since the first edition of this volume I have observed with some surprise a high authority on the other side of the Atlantic offer a most positive denial to my statement (at page 58.) that "some of the Americans even to the present day have claimed the battle of Bunker's Hill as a victory." I should have deemed the mere construction of the stately monument upon the site of the battle as almost a sufficient proof of this statement, since such monuments are not usually raised by the vanquished or by those who own themselves to be so.

66

In fact, however, on examining the publications of divers travellers in North America, it appears unquestionable that many persons, at least in Massachusetts, are in the habit not merely of claiming the victory, but of indulging in great exaggerations concerning it.

Some instances, now to be adduced, will fully establish this conclusion.

Mr. Fearon seems to have been assured by the young gentleman, a native he says of the town of Boston, who walked with him to Bunker's Hill, that the battle had been an American victory; and as such he inserts it without doubt or misgiving in his narrative. Here are his words: "The spot is sacred to patriotism and to "liberty. The hill is of moderate height. The monu"ment placed here in commemoration of the victory is of "brick and wood," &c.*

Captain Thomas Hamilton, as we may conclude, was told by some of his Boston friends that the genius of the Commander-in-chief, though distant, had directed and animated the operations of that day, and that Bunker's Hill therefore was an element in Washington's glory. At least I do not see what other information he can have received, judging from his words on Bunker's Hill. "On "the summit of this height a monument to the memory "of Washington was in progress."†

Miss Martineau, in her "Retrospect of Western Travels," shows with what extraordinary amplification the authorities on which she relied must have described to her this battle. She says of it: "They (the English) lost more 'officers than the Americans had men engaged!" And in the same passage she adds: "The glory of the Bunker "Hill struggle is immortal in the hearts of the nation."‡

Not less to the point are the words of another accomplished lady, Mrs. Houston, during her visit to Boston. "The Yankees, notwithstanding their repulse, still flatter "themselves that in the hard-fought battle they had the "best of it."§

It is to be observed that the very widest differences of opinion prevail among the American writers on nearly all the details recorded of this battle. Thus some later authorities allege that when Doctor, or General, Joseph Warren joined the troops upon Breed's Hill, “he went 'alone, with his musket on his shoulder." But in my

*Sketches in America, p. 109. ed. 1818.

† Men and Manners in America, by the author of Cyril Thornton, vol. i. p. 170. ed. 1833.

Retrospect of Western Travel, vol. iii. p. 54. ed. 1838.

§ Hesperos, by Mrs. Houstoun, vol. i. p. 56.

See the North American Review, July 1852.