a faint idea of what he really displayed. In this debate he exceeded all that I had ever admired in his speaking. Nothing could be more eloquent and striking than the arguments and language of his Lordship's first speech on moving the amendment proposed, or which might be properly called a new Address. But in Lord Chatham's reply to Lord Suffolk's inhuman position, "that, besides the policy and necessity of employing Indian savages in the war, the measure also was allowable on principle, as it was perfectly justifiable to use every means that God and nature had put into our hands," he started up with a degree of indignation that added to the force of the sudden and unexampled burst of eloquence, which must have affected any audience, and which appeared to me to surpass all that we have ever heard of the celebrated orators of Greece or Rome. MR. FOX TO THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. MY DEAR LORD, London, Dec. 12. 1777. You You have long before this heard of Burgoyne's surrender, with all the circumstances attending it. will easily guess the effect produced here by such an event upon the public. But the manner and conduct of his Majesty's principal servants, would, I believe, astonish you. Lord Suffolk chose but yesterday to talk in a high tone of the Vagrant Congress, as he called it; and though Lord North hinted at terms to be now offered to America, yet he affected to talk language of great firmness with respect to himself, and gave very strong assurance to his friends that he would not quit his situation. To corroborate the language, and to hold out to the public that no negotiation would be attempted with any part of Opposition, Lord Jersey and Hopkins are turned out, and their places filled, as you will see by the papers. This is their idea of firmness; and the preliminary step they take towards conciliation with the Colonies, is to show a determined spirit of persecution against all whoever entertained an idea of that sort, because they were beat into it. To do the public justice, I do really believe that the Ministers are held in the most universal contempt, both by friends and enemies; but I do not see yet so much mixture of indignation with that contempt as I expected. I hope to do myself the honour of waiting upon you in the course of next week, and of talking over more at large the very singular and critical state of this country. I am, &c., C. J. Fox. MR. FOX TO THE DUKE OF GRAFTON. MY DEAR LORD, London, Dec. 16. 1777. As the Gazette of to-night is not likely to come out time enough to go by the post, I write this to let you know (what you probably will have heard from others) that an officer arrived last night from Burgoyne, by way of Quebec. He brings letters from Burgoyne, dated October 20th, Albany, confirming all we had before heard. These letters are to be printed out at length by the particular desire of the General and his friends here, though I understand there are passages in them which our Go-' vernment won't much like to publish; for if I am not mistaken, the orders given for advancing at all hazards, will be stated to have been so peremptory, that the General did not think himself at liberty even to call a Council of War upon the subject of retreating. Lord Petersham is expected daily with a duplicate of these dispatches by way of New York. He is spoken of in the highest terms in all Burgoyne's. Pray remember me to Vernon if he is with you. I was extremely sorry to hear he has been ill. I am afraid it will not be in my power to wait upon your Grace this week, as I intended, but it shall not be long before I have that honour. I am, &c., C. J. Fox. I enclose in another cover a letter I have received from a friend at Bristol, which was printed in a hurry there. from a Boston newspaper and some manuscripts, which my friend has good reason to think authentic. LORD STORMONT TO LORD WEYMOUTH. (Most secret.) MY LORD, Paris, Dec. 28. 1777. IN my secret correspondence with your Lordship, I have frequently dwelt on the treacherous policy of this Court, and produced irrefragable proofs of it; yet I am sometimes afraid, my Lord, that I have not said enough on so important a subject, have not painted things so strongly as I see them, have not fully conveyed the impression they make upon my own mind. To obviate the possibility of being wanting in so essential a point of duty, I will beg your Lordship's indulgence whilst I state, as clearly and shortly as I can, the conclusion I have drawn from a variety of information which I have weighed with all the attention I can command. I must then say, my Lord, and I say it with real pain, I have not a shadow of doubt that this Court and that of Madrid are combined against us, and have long been preparing, and still continue to prepare, for the execution of some insidious design. I look upon the assistance they give the rebels as but a small part of their plan. They feed the American War, in hopes that it will exhaust our strength, and that out of it some occasion will arise for them to strike a sudden and unexpected blow. There are but too many indications of their hostile designs; their naval force is already more than sufficient for every purpose of defence, and yet they are continually increasing it. M. Necker's last arrêt expressly avows an intended augmentation. Not long ago, the Chevalier de Baix gave in a plan to M. de Sartines pour faire une guerre cruelle aux Anglais; (the particulars of the plan I do not yet know). M. de Sartines' answer was: We must proceed cautiously, and hazard no attempt till we are thoroughly prepared. Where the first blow will be aimed I cannot say, but am inclined to think it will be in the West Indies. The general bent of the nation is more strongly for war than ever it has been within my remembrance; and M. de Maurepas may yield to the torrent, and, as many other timid Ministers have done before him, may plunge into violent measures from mere weakness and irresolution. In a word, my Lord, I consider the whole French Cabinet as hostile to us, with different degrees of violence and activity, according to their different tempers, characters, and views; but the spirit that animates them, and that would animate any probable successors they can have, is one and the same. I may safely say that not a day passes over me that does not bring something to strengthen this opinion. I would not therefore close this year's correspondence without conveying my sentiments to your Lordship in the clearest and most explicit terms I can find. But to leave the future intentions, and speak of the actual conduct of this Court. That is certainly as unfriendly as possible, notwithstanding all their professions. My repeated representations have had no other effect than to put them more upon their guard in their manner of assisting and treating with the rebels. They do not now convey any thing material through M. Chaumont or Beaumarchais. Monsieur Gérard treats directly with Franklin and Deane. Lee is little trusted, and has not the real secret. M. Gérard goes to Passy in the night, and Franklin and Deane make him nightly visits at Versailles. These visits have been very frequent of late, and must no doubt have some material object. I have the honour to be, &c., STORMONT. LORD STORMONT TO LORD WEYMOUTH. (Most secret.) (Extract.) Paris, Friday night, Feb. 6. 1778. I THINK I am now able to speak to your Lordship with some precision with regard to the treaty between this Court and the rebels. My informer assures me it is actually signed; but Dr. Franklin, not thinking himself authorized to grant all the demands made by France, has signed sub spe rati. LORD STORMONT TO LORD WEYMOUTH. (Most secret.) MY LORD, Paris, Feb. 18. 1778. THERE is now an almost universal persuasion here, that there does exist some treaty or convention between this Court and the rebels, and it is on that persuasion that the thinking men of this country rest their belief of the certainty of a speedy rupture between England and France. All the different intelligence I have been able to collect meets in the same central point, and is uniform as to the existence of some agreement entered into with the rebels, but differs as to the nature and extent of the engagements taken. According to that information, which for many reasons I give the preference to,- I mean, my Lord, that which appears to me the exactest of any,- France has made two treaties with the rebels; one merely commercial, the other a treaty of alliance. Both these treaties were, I am assured, actually signed on Friday the 6th instant by M. Gérard. acting as plenipotentiary from this Court, and by the commissioners from the Congress. This cannot have been done in consequence of an answer to the proposals sent by this Court to the Congress, as they were sent the last week in December; but the commissioners may have received fuller powers, or France may have gone greater lengths in order to get before us, and prevent a reconciliation with America. Whatever the reasons were, to the best of my judgment and belief, France has signed this treaty of alliance, and consequently has thrown the die. It seems scarce possible, under these circumstances, that a war between the two nations can be avoided, unless Congress |