the king's purpose. His majesty's most earnest desire is to make his American subjects happy, to cause a reform in whatever affected the freedom of their legislation, and to concur with his Parliament in the redress of any real grievances. My powers are, speaking generally, to restore peace and grant pardons, to attend to complaints and representations, and to confer upon the means of a reunion upon terms honorable and advantageous to the colonies and to Great Britain. You know, gentlemen, that we expect aid from America; our dispute seems only to be concerning the mode of obtaining it."

Dr. Franklin. "Aid we never refused upon requisition."

Lord Howe. "Your money, let me assure you, is the smallest consideration. America can confer upon Great Britain more solid advantages; it is her commerce, her strength, her men, that we chiefly want."

Dr. Franklin. “Ay, my lord, we have in America a pretty considerable manufactory of men."*

Lord Howe. "It is desirable to put a stop to these ruinous extremities, as well for the sake of our country as yours. When an American falls, England feels it. The question is: Is there no way of treating back of this step of Independency, and thus opening the door to a full discussion? Now, gentlemen, having opened to you the general purport of my commission, and the king's disposition to a permanent peace, I must stop to hear what you may choose to observe."

Dr. Franklin. "I suppose your lordship has seen the Resolution of the Congress which has sent us hither. It authorizes us to inquire what authority your lordship bears, and what propositions you have to offer for the consideration of the Congress. That Resolution contains the whole of our commission. Nevertheless, this conversation, if productive of no immediate good effect, may be of service at a future time. I will therefore say, that America considered the Prohibitory Act as the answer to her last petition to the king. Forces have been sent out, and towns have been burnt. We cannot now expect happiness under the domination of Great Britain. All former attachments are obliterated. America cannot

*Mr. Strachey, misunderstanding this remark, added these words: "alluding as should seem to their numerous army." Lord Howe, more used to Dr. Franklin's manner, corrected his secreLary by penciling on the margin: "No; their increasing population."

return to the domination of Great Britain, and I imagine that Great Britain means to rest it upon force. The other gentlemen will doubtless deliver their sentiments."

Mr. Adams. "The resolution of the Congress which declared Independency was not taken up upon its own authority. Congress had been instructed so to do by all the colonies. It is not in our power, therefore, my lord, to treat otherwise than as independent states, and, for my own part, I avow my determination never to depart from the idea of Independency."

Mr. Rutledge. "I am one of the oldest members of the Congress, my lord, having been a member from the beginning. I think it is worth the consideration of Great Britain whether she would not derive greater advantages from an alliance with the colonies as independent states than she has hitherto done. England may still enjoy a great share of the American commerce, and so procure raw materials for her manufactures. Besides: the United States can protect the West India Islands more effectually and more easily than England can, to say nothing of the New Foundland fishery; while the products both of the West Indies and of New Foundland would continue to enrich the merchants of England. I am glad this conversation has occurred, as it will be the occasion of opening to Great Britain the consideration of the advantages she may derive from an alliance with America before any thing is settled with other foreign powers. With regard to the people consenting to come again under the English government, it is impossible. I can answer for South Carolina. The royal government there was very oppressive. The officers of the crown claimed 'privilege,' and confined people for breaches of privilege.' At last we took the government into our own hands, and the people are now settled and happy under that government. They would not, even if the Congress should desire it, return to the king's government."

Lord Howe. "If such are your sentiments, gentlemen, I can only lament that it is not in my power to bring about the accommodation I wish. I have not authority, nor do I ever expect to have, to treat with the colonies as states independent of the crown of Great Britain. I am sorry, gentlemen, that you have had the trouble of coming so far to so little purpose. If the colonies will not give up the system of independency, it is impossible for me to enter into any negotiation."

Dr. Franklin. "It would take as much time for us to refer to and and get answers from our constituents, as it would the royal commissioners to get fresh instructions from home, which, I suppose, might be about three months."

Lord Howe. "It is in vain to think of my receiving instructions to treat upon that ground."

Dr. Franklin. (After a pause.) "Well, my lord, as America is to expect nothing but upon unconditional submission"

Lord Howe. (Interrupting him.) "No, Dr. Franklin. Great Britain does not require unconditional submission. I think that what I have already said proves the contrary, and I desire, gentlemen, that you will not go away with such an idea.”

Dr. Franklin. "As your lordship has no proposition to make to us, give me leave to ask whether, if we should make propositions to Great Britain (not that I know, or am authorized to say we shall), you would receive and transmit them ?"

Lord Howe. "I do not know that I could avoid receiving any papers that should be put into my hands, though I am doubtful of the propriety of transmitting them home. Still, I do not say that I would decline doing so."

The conference ended. Lord Howe politely attended the committee to the barge, which bore them, in a few minutes, to the shore of New Jersey. Two days after the committee gave to Congress a brief account of the conversation, and reported that, "upon the whole, it did not appear that his lordship's commission contained any other authority than that expressed in the act of Parliament, namely, that of granting pardons, with such exceptions as the commissioners should think proper to make, and of declaring America, or any part of it, to be in the king's peace, upon submission." Congress, therefore, ordered the committee to publish their report in the newspapers, and took no further action upon it. The practical result of the affair was the furnishing of a new topic for the oratory of Mr. John Adams. He tells us, in his Autobiography, that during his journey to Amboy, he observed such dissipation and idleness, such confusion and distraction among officers and soldiers, as astonished, grieved, and alarmed him. Hitherto his incessant cry had been Independence, Independence, Independence! Henceforward it was Discipline, Discipline, Discipline! The reward of his exertions was the adoption by Congress of the British Disci

pline and articles of war, which, to this hour, constitute the substance of the military system of the United States.

The conference with Lord Howe closed the ancient account between the thirteen colonies and Great Britain. England would not treat with independent America. It was now to be ascertained whether there was, in any part of the world, a Power that would.

No news yet from over the sea. Mr. Thomas Story had been gone eight months; M. Penet, seven months; Mr. Silas Deane, five months, and no letters from them had reached the Committee of Secret Correspondence, except, perhaps, one from Mr. Deane written at the Bermudas, recommending Congress to seize and fortify that convenient little group. From Arthur Lee, not a word. Nothing from the zealous Dumas. From the enthusiastic Dubourg, nothing. No whisper from the mysterious French officer who was so solicitous for the safety of his head.

This was not very surprising, for, even in peaceful years, an answer could seldom be obtained from Europe in less than four or five months; and now, to all the usual perils and delays, were added those arising from the cruisers of the first naval power in the world. During the first three years of the revolutionary war, it was only with the greatest difficulty that Congress maintained any communication at all with their servants in Europe. When Congress had as many as twelve paid agents on that continent, all of whom wrote by every opportunity, and some of whom were authorized to make opportunities, and actually did attempt to start a packet once a month, there was one period of eleven months during which Congress had not a line from one of them. Silas Deane, too, was in Europe five months before he received a letter from the Committee which employed him.

And so the whole summer of 1776 passed away, and Congress knew not whether their infant nation had, or had not, a friend on

the other side of the ocean. The campaign had been disastrous. The battle of Long Island had been followed by the loss of the city of New York, which involved the evacuation of Manhattan Island, and the retreat into Westchester. Some instances of bad behavior on the part of the troops had occurred during these operations, and some invaluable officers had fallen. These events, it must be owned, had cast a gloom over the country, and had made many men seriously doubt whether, after all, the thirteen states had not undertaken a task which was beyond their unassisted strength. Judge, then, with what a longing anxiety the Secret Committee, Congress, General Washington, and all well-informed men, waited to hear from the old world during these two months of calamity, August and September. It is often said that the path of virtue is one of pleasantness and peace, and there is, doubtless, a certain truth in the remark. Nevertheless, it often happens, both in the lives of men and of nations, that a great step in the right direction, a great, valiant, virtuous RESOLVE, is quickly followed by disaster. Long the colonies lingered on the brink of Independence. After they had taken the plunge, they experienced little but discouragement and calamity for many months. The true path leads to peace and pleasantness, but it is itself steep, narrow, obstructed, and thorny.

At length, however, the painful suspense was relieved by an arrival from France with most cheering intelligence. It came in the form of an astonishingly long letter from Dr. Dubourg to Dr. Franklin; who hastened to communicate its contents to Congress, and caused a translation of it to be instantly dispatched to General Washington, to encourage him in his unequal strife with the armies and fleets of Britain. Even now, this long letter entertains the reader. With what intensity of interest must it have been read in September, 1776! In no way, perhaps, can the reader of these pages begin to be informed more agreeably of the state of things in France, than by the perusal of this lively epistle. Dr. Dubourg, it will be easily perceived, was engaged in affairs to which he was unaccustomed, and, perhaps, unequal. He was a physician of established repute in Paris; a writer of some note; a merry old bachelor, who was welcome in the gay circles for his wit and anecdote, and dear to the philosophers because he loved them. He was full of the "sentiment" of the day; he was one of those republicans