country. They have indeed produced to me a resolve of congress, empowering them to draw on the commissioners in France for their expenses at foreign courts; and doubtless congress, when that resolve was made, intended to enable us to pay those drafts: but as that has not been done, and the gentlemen (except Mr. Lee for a few weeks) have not incurred any expense at foreign courts, and if they had, the five thousand five hundred guineas, received by them in about nine months, seemed an ample provision for it; and as both of them might command money from England, I do not conceive that I disobeyed an order of congress; and that if I did, the circumstances will excuse it; and I could have no intention to distress them, because I must know it out of my power, as their private fortunes and credit will enable them at all times to pay their own expenses. In short, the dreadful consequences of ruin to our public credit, both in America and Europe, that must attend protesting a single congress draft for interest, after our funds were out, would have weighed with me against the payment of more money to those gentlemen, if the demand had otherwise been well founded. I am, however, in the judgment of congress, and if I have done amiss, must submit dutifully to their censure. Thanks to God, I have this last week got over the difficulty so far as relates to the bills, which will all be punctually paid; but if the navy boards send more ships here to be fitted, or the congress continue to draw for the payment of other debts, the ships will be disappointed, and I shall probably be made a bankrupt; unless funds are, at the same time, sent over to discharge such demands.

With regard to the fitting out of ships, receiving and disposing of cargoes, and purchasing of supplies, I beg leave to mention, that besides my being wholly unacquainted with such business, the distance I am from the ports renders my having any thing to do with it extremely inconvenient. Commercial agents have indeed been appointed by Mr. William Lee, but they and the captains are continually writing for my opinion or orders, or leave to do this and

that, by which much time is lost to them, and much of mine taken up, to little purpose, from my ignorance. I see clearly, however, that many of the captains are exorbitant in their demands, and in some cases I think those demands are too easily complied with by the agents, perhaps because their commissions are in proportion to the expense. I wish, therefore, the congress would appoint the consuls they have a right to appoint by the treaty, and put into their hands all that sort of employment. I have in my desk I suppose not less than fifty applications from different ports, praying the appointment, and offering to serve gratis, for the honor of it, and the advantage it gives in trade. But I should imagine if consuls are appointed, they will be of our own people from America, who, if they should make fortunes abroad, might return with them to their country. The commissions demanded by the agents seem to me, in some cases, very high. For instance, Mr. Schweighauser, in a late account, charges five per cent. on the simple delivery of the tobaccos to the officer of the farmers general in the port, and by that means, makes the commission on the delivery of the two last cargoes, amount to about six hundred and thirty pounds sterling. As there was no sale in the case, he has, in order to calculate the commission, valued the tobacco at ninety livres the hundred weight; whereas it was, by our contract with the farmers, to be delivered at about forty livres. I got a friend who was going upon change, to enquire among the merchants what was the custom in such cases of delivery. I send enclosed the result he has given me of his inquiries. In consequence, I have refused to pay the commission of five per cent. on this article; and I know not why it was, as is said, agreed with him, at the time of his appointment, that he should have five per cent. on his transactions, if the custom is only two per cent. as by information.

I have mentioned above, the application of several states to borrow money in Europe, on which I beg leave to re

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mark, that when the general congress are endeavouring to obtain a loan, these separate attempts do interfere, and are extremely inconvenient, especially where some of the agents are empowered to offer a higher interest, and some have powers in that respect unlimited. We have likewise lately had applications from three several states to this court, to be furnished with great quantities of arms, ammunition, and clothing, or with money upon credit to buy them; and from one state, to be supplied with naval stores and ships of war. These agents, finding that they had not interest to obtain such grants, have severally applied to me, and seem to think it my duty, as minister for the United States, to support and enforce their particular demands. I have endeavoured to do so, but I find the ministers do not like these separate applications, and seem to think that they should properly come only through congress, to whom the several states, in such cases, ought first to make known their wants, and then the congress could instruct their minister accordingly. This would save the king's ministers a good deal of trouble, and the several states the expense of these particular agents, concerning whom I would add a little remark; that we have in America, too readily, in various instances, given faith to the pretensions of strangers from Europe, who offer their services as persons who have powerful friends and great interest in their own coun try, and by that means obtain contracts, orders, or commissions to procure what we want; and who, when they come here, are totally unknown, and have no other credit but what such commissions give them; or if known, the commissions do not add so much to their credit, as they dimi nish that of their employers.

I have received two letters from a Frenchman settled in one of the ports of Barbary, offering himself to act as our minister with the emperor, with whom he pretended to be intimate, and acquainting me that his imperial majesty wondered we had never sent to thank him for being the first power on this side the Atlantic that had acknowledged our independence, and opened his ports to us; advising that D

we should send the emperor a present. On inquiring at the office in whose department Africa is included, I learnt the character of this man to be such, that it was not safe to have any correspondence with him, and therefore did not answer his letter. I suppose congress has received the memorial we presented to this court, respecting the Barbary states, and requesting the king's good offices with them agreeable to the treaty, and also the answer expressing the king's readiness to perform those good offices whenever the congress should send us instructions, and make provisions for the necessary presents: or if these papers have not yet got to hand, they will be found among the copies carried over by Mr. Adams, and therefore I only mention them by way of remembrance. When ever a treaty with the emperor shall be intended, I suppose some of our naval stores will be an acceptable present, and the expectation of continued supplies of such stores, a powerful motive for entering into and continuing a friendship.

I should send you copies of several other memorials and public papers, but as Mr. Adams goes in the same ship, and has the whole of our transactions during his time, it is not so necessary by this vessel.

The disposition of this nation, in general, continues friendly towards us and our cause; and I do not see the least diminution of it, except among the West India merchants and planters, whose losses have rendered them a little discontented.

Spain has been long acting as a mediator, but arming all the time most vigorously. Her naval force is now very great indeed; and as her last proposition of a long truce, in which America should be included and treated with, as independent in fact, though not expressly acknowledged as such, has been lately rejected by England, it is now thought that her open junction with France in the war is not far distant. The commissioners here have a power in general terms to treat of peace, friendship, and commerce with European states, but I apprehend this is scarce explicit enough to authorise one to treat of such a truce, if the proposition should again come upon the tapis. I therefore wish the

congress to consider of it, and give such powers as may be necessary to whom they may think proper; that if a favorable opportunity of making an advantageous treaty should offer, it may not be slipt.

Admiral Arbuthnot, who was going to America with a large convoy and some troops, has been detained by a little attempt upon Jersey; and contrary winds since that affair was over, have detained him farther until within these few days.

Since I began writing this letter I have received a packet from the committee by way of Statia and Holland, sent by Mr. Lovell, containing his letters of December 8, January 29, and February 8, with one from the president, dated January 3. Several papers are mentioned as sent with them, and by other opportunities, but none are come to hand, except the resolution to postpone the attempt upon Canada, and these are the first dispatches received here since the date of those sent by the marquis de la Fayette.

I have also just received a letter from Mr Bingham, acquainting me that the ships Deane and the General Gates, are just arrived at Martinico and apply to him to be careened, refitted, and procure a fresh supply of provisions; and that though he has no orders, he must draw upon me for the expence. I think it right to acquaint you thus early that I shall be obliged to protest his bills. I have just obtained from his majesty, orders to the government of Guadaloupe, to make reasonable reparation to captain Giddins of Newburg, for the loss of this vessel, sunk in mistake by a battery of that Island.

Great preparations are now making here with much activity in all the sea ports, taking up transports, and building small vessels proper for landing of troops, &c. so that many think an invasion of England or Ireland is intended. The intention, whatever it is, may change; but the opinion of such an intention, which seems to prevail in England, may tend to keep their troops and ships at home.

General and lord Howe, generals Cornwallis and Grey, colonel Montresor, captain Hammond, and others, have formally given it as their opinion in parliament, that the