but abfolutely neceffary for a proper un- Pavilly alfo fignalized by name the great derstanding of the times. As from the crown officers of Charles VI., "who depopular and formerly despised literature of voured and robbed the king and the kingthe times can alone be gathered the mate- dom, acquiring great poffeffions, and buildrials for a proper understanding of Shake- ing chateaux and great houfes," Savonafpeare's merit, or of the wit and truth of rola, as the leader of the Dominicans, at Hudibras, fo it is only from the fources the end of the fifteenth century preached treated by M. Meray that we can obtain political and religious reform, and after the a juft appreciation of Luther's claims as the flight of Pierre de Medicis, affirmed in the leader of the Reformation, of the wisdom chamber of the grand council in Florence, of Montaigne, of the wit of Rabelais, and that "the will of God, in his opinion, orof the fatire of the Epiftola Obfcurorum dered a government abfolutely popular, Virorum. and in which it should be in the power of ९ M. Meray's Etude confifts of nine chap- no citizen to injure either the fecurity or ters, with a Preface, an Epilogue, and Pie- the liberty of others." But of these inces juftificatives. His firft chapter is upon ftances the contemporary hiftories and The monks as critics of the temporal chronicles of the xv. and xvi. centuries Princes. In this chapter M. Meray men- are full. The monks then were the leadtions Jacques Legrand, who, in 1405, pub- ers of the people, and, as noticed by M. licly upbraided the Queen Ifabeau, "who Meray, it was only when the diffufion of entered the church with her head proudly the principles of religious toleration and loaded withhennins,' her breaft difco- freedom of thought became popular, that, perta usque ad ombilicum, and trampling as fects have always done, " fearing for the upon the floor of the holy place in fhoes material existence of their corporations, with beaks two feet long (à becks de deux they became quickly converted to the fide pieds de long), and accufed the king of of the Church of Rome, and could fee having his court under the rule of Dame unity only in abfolutifm; then they beVenus, accompanied by her infeparable came difgufted with the philofophy they companions, Gluttony and Debauch."" Be- had formerly profeffed; then science frightfore Charles VI. himself, in the chapel of ened them, reason irritated them, all movethe Palace, the fame monk accufed the ment became fufpected by them, and they Duke of Orleans of caufing the mifery of became as zealous in benumbing and dethe people, calling him "the accurfed of ftroying fouls, as they before had been in the people," and infifting upon his com- freeing and elevating them." 6 plicity with the Queen in "her actions In his fecond chapter, M. Meray shows which caufed the public clamor," and told the monks as the critics of the princes of the king that unless he caused a quick and the Church. This was a rich field for complete change in the management of the honeft monks who had taken vows of affairs, the kingdom would fall into, the hands of others. Jehan Petit, a cordelier, a few years afterwards, juftified in the pulpit the murder of the Duke of Orleans, on the ground that it was "law, reason, and equity to kill a tyrant, even by am- of the Church of Rome. bufh and affaffination" (voire par aguets et poverty and chastity, and kept them. M. Meray fhows that even the Proteftant preachers of the Reformation hardly equalled fome of their monkifli predeceffors in bold fatire upon the vices of the prelates In his third chapter, M. Meray treats épiements). The Carmelite Euftache de of the monks as precurfors of the Refor pur mation. Here M. Meray shows how Cal- tails, which will prove interefting not only vin, Luther, Wickliff, Hufs and others, to the ftudents of the manners of the midwere but fucceffful continuers of the move- dle ages, but particularly to those who love ment which had been begun by the monks. the literature and the art of those times, The fourth chapter is upon the myftics whofe myftical faith and fuperftitious devoand legendaries. The early hiftory of tion have taken fuch firm hold upon our Chriftianity is full of "traditions in the civilization, that even the immense advance Church," fuch as we have in the "Golden in fcience and knowledge made during this Legend," in the lives of the Saints, and in century, feems impotent against them. the works of the Fathers. To reproduce Their opinions concerning a future life and enlarge upon these infoluble questions is the fubject of the fixth chapter. Of this of mysticism, formed an endless fund of unfathomable mystery the monks of those discourse to the monks. As M. Meray days were accurately informed. They were fays, "the profeffional preachers found in equally well acquainted with the pleasures the works of William de Saint-Amour, of heaven, the probationary pains of Saint Bonaventura, Duns Scotus, Nicolas gatory, and the torments of hell. But it de Lyra, Peter Lombard, and Saint Thom- was principally upon the last that they exas Aquinas, a mass of daring affertions patiated, feeming to derive a dreadful dewhich had been amaffed by their imagina- light in defcribing, with impaffioned elotions, over-excited by the abuse of ecftatic quence, the horrible details of its torcontemplation; the flightest details of the ments. celeftial life had been inventoried by them; The feventh chapter treats of the stotheir teachings concerning the manners and ries and apologues of the old preachers. customs of the transmundane regions were Thefe monks were good ftory-tellers, they varied and precife. The preachers alfo knew how to point a moral and adorn a obtained from the works of the contem- tale; and they could excite their audiences plative doctors precife teachings concern- either by the narration of the stoical suffering the episodes and the perfonages of fa- ings of afceticism and the rewards of vircred history, the most minute incident of tue, or by some laughable story, which we which had been revealed to these myftic would fooner expect to hear in the tavern masters, at the same time with those of the than in the church, or read in "Les Cent heavens. They could then, by the aid Nouvelles Nouvelles," than in a collection of their imaginations, give to the people of fermons. For the details of this chapthe untold details of the lives of the patri- ter of M. Meray's, and the eighth, which archs, and the words exchanged by the treats of Les Fantaifftes et les Rabelaifmembers of the Holy Family during their iens, the reader must be referred to the fojourn here below. Their fimple hearers work itself. They fhow that the monks were in no wife afstonished at the confidera- must have been in earnest, since they cerble and often very indifcreet additions tainly wafted no time in "patching fig made by the preachers of the xiv., xv. and leaves for the naked truth." xvi. centuries to the pages of the two Teftaments." Upon this fubject, and that of the miracles and fupernatural interventions, which forms the theme of his fifth chapter, M. Meray gives many curious and quaint de The ninth chapter treats of the details of manners in the old collections of fermons. From a study of these collections, perhaps the best idea can be obtained of the middle ages. There is no rofy light of romance thrown over those times, in thefe old fermons. They fhow the spirit This brief view of the fubject, which of their age, its fuperftitious myfticifm, its it is proposed to continue in these pages, is devout faith, its exalted virtue, its daring neceffarily very general in its character. fcepticism, its bold inquiry, its depravity, In treating, however, the individual repreits vice, its tyranny, its freedom, its igno- fentatives of this branch of literature, it rance and its knowledge-in a word, the will be neceffary to be more minute, and details of the life of the people, which to justify, by ample quotation from their alone can make the study of history valua- works, their claims to confideration. ble. The Republick of Letters vs. D'Israeli. About the clofe of the year 1837, there A fecond edition of this intelligent and was printed and privately circulated in extremely pungent volume was published London, "as an experimental inquiry into in 1838, "revifed and acuminated," to the force of truth," a small octavo volume which Mr. D'Ifraeli replied in a vapid of 160 pages, entitled: pamphlet full of personal abuse, bearing "Curiofities of Literature, by I. D'Ifraeli, the following alliterative title: "THE Esq., Doctor in Civil Law of the Uni- ILLUSTRATOR ILLUSTRATED," London, 1838. verfity of Oxford, and Fellow of the 8vo. pp. 81. Society of Antiquaries of London. As the following article extracted from Illustrated by Bolton Corney, Efq., The Republick of Letters, for January, Honorary Profeffor of Criticism in the 1732, has apparently efcaped the critical Republique des Lettres, and Member notice of Mr. Corney, we publish it withof the Society of English Bibliophiles. out further comment, as a fupplementary Greenwich [London: F. Shober), page to his ingenious volume, and as another Junior]. Printed by efpecial com- beautiful and inftructive illustration of the mand." "Curiofities of Literature." REPUBLICK OF LETTERS, JAN. 1732. art. For everybody knows that Milton, when he composed this poem, was blind with a Gutta Serena, and therefore obliged to make ufe of an amanuenfis; upon which account more mistakes must needs have happened, especially in monofyllables that have a fimilitude of found, than if he had been able to write it with his own hand. But befides fuch errors as might have been committed by the amanuenfis, the Doctor supposes, that the friend or acquaintance, The first edition appeared in 1667, and the fecond in 1674, in which all the faults of the former edition were continued. By these faults, the Doctor means what he confiders to be fuch: Bentley fays that he will fupply the want of Manufcripts to collate (to use his own words), by his own "Sagacity and Happy Conjecture." Milton, after the conclufion of Satan's speech to the fallen angels, proceeds thus: 1. He spake; and to confirm his words 'out flew 2. Millions of flaming fwords, drawn from the thighs to whom Milton committed his copy, and the correcting of the prefs, did execute that truft fo vilely, either through neglect, or wilfully, that the First Edition came forth, polluted as he imagines with fuch monftrous faults, as are beyond example in any other printed book. If the Doctor's conjecture be right, this is not the worst usage that poor Milton met with from his falfe friend, for he further fuppofes him to have taken the advantage of the Poet's poverty and blindnefs, to foift into this work feveral verses of his own. The first edition came out in 1667, and a fecond in 1674, in which all the faults of the former are continued. To correct or remove all thofe faults, is what the Doctor has attempted in this edition. As there is no Manufcript to be found, our learned Editor is of another opinion, and says, that the typographical faults, or thofe committed by the printer and supervifor, are corrigible by retrieving the poet's own words. But if it be asked, how this is to be done, the answer is very plain and fhort, by the Doctor's Sagacity and Happy Conjecture. Milton, after the conclufion of Satan's speech to the fallen angels, goes on thus: He fpake; and to confirm his words out flew 1. 2. Millions of flaming fwords, drawn from the thighs 3. Of mighty cherubim; the sudden blaze 4. Far round illumin'd hell; highly they rag'd 5. Against the Higheft; and fierce with grafped Arms 6. Clash'd on their founding shields the din Clash'd on their founding fhields the Hurling defiance tow'rd the Vault of In these seven lines, which, I think, are inexpreffibly beautiful and noble, and as three words. In the second line he puts perfect as human wit can make them, the blades instead of words; in the fifth he Doctor makes an alteration of three words. puts fwords instead of arms; and in the In the second line he puts blades instead of laft line he prefers walls to vaults (sic). swords; in the fifth he puts swords instead vault. All these changes are so many of arms; and in the last line he prefers defœdations of the poem. The word walls to vault. All which changes are fwords is far more poetical than blades, undoubtedly for the worse, and instead of which may as well be understood of knives improvement, are so many defœdations and as fwords. The word arms, the generic for the debasements of this ineftimable poem. For the word swords founds much better in heroicks than blades, and may as well be understood of knives as swords. As for the word arms, that is still stronger fpecific term, is ftill ftronger and nobler and more more proper, notwithstanding the than fwords; and the beautiful conception Doctor's criticifm, in the place where the of vault, which is always indefinite to the poet ufed it, than swords, which he would eye, while the folidity of walls would but fubftitute in its place. That the word meanly defcribe the highest Heaven, gives vault is preferable to walls, is, I conceive, an idea of grandeur and modefty. So parted they; the angel up to heaven, From the thick fhade; and Adam to his bower. Bentley "conjectures" these two verfes to be inaccurate, and in lieu of the last writes undeniable, because it always carries with it an idea of fomething that is grand, majeftic and auguft; as of fome magnificent palace or stately building, which is higharched and vaulted; whereas walls are equally applicable to a little garden or low cottage as to the highest Heaven. So parted they; the angel up to heaven, From the thick fhade, and Adam to his bower. The Doctor, instead of the latter of these two lines, chuses to put this of his own: "Adam, to ruminate on past difcourfe." "Adam, to ruminate on past discourse." And then our erudite critic reasons! as Now, to fay nothing at all of the line thus: After the converfation between the itself, I can't perceive the least occafion for Angel and Adam in the bower, it may be any alteration in this place; but our Ediwell prefumed that our firft parent waited tor's reason, if I apprehend him right, feems on his heavenly gueft at his departure to to be this: After the converfation was some little distance from it, till he began to ended between the Angel and Adam in the take his flight towards heaven; and there- bower, it may well be prefumed that our fore "fagacioufly" thinks that the poet firft parent waited on his heavenly guest could not with propriety fay that the at his departure to fome little distance from angel parted from the thick fhade, that is, it, till he began to take his flight towards the bower, to go to heaven. But if Adam heaven; and if so, our judicious critic |