here by the minister for the colonies as a triumph; there it was considered only as a decent and equitable measure, showing a willingness to meet the mother country in every advance towards a reconciliation, and a disposition to a good understanding so prevalent, that possibly they might soon have relaxed in the article of tea also. But the system of commissioners of customs, officers without end, with fleets and armies for collecting and enforcing those duties, being continued; and these acting with much indiscretion and rashness, (giving great and unnecessary trouble and obstruction to business, commencing unjust and vexatious suits, and harassing commerce in all its branches, while that the minister kept the people in a constant state of irritation by instructions, which appeared to have no other end than the gratifying his private resentments,*) occasioned a persevering adherence to their resolutions in that particular; and the event should be a lesson to ministers, not to risk through pique, the obstructing any one branch of trade; since the course and connexion of general business may be thereby disturbed to a degree, impossible to be foreseen or imagined. For it appears, that, the colonies finding their humble petitions to have this duty repealed were rejected and treated with contempt, and that the produce of the duty was applied to the rewarding with undeserved salaries and pensions every one of their enemies, the duty itself became more odious, and their resolution to share it more vigorous and obstinate.

The Dutch, the Danes, and French, took this opportunity thus offered them by our imprudence, and began to smuggle their teas into the plantations. At first

* Some of his circular letters had been criticized and exposed by one or two of the American Assemblies.-B. V.

this was something difficult; but at length, as all business is improved by practice, it became easy. A coast fifteen hundred miles in length could not in all parts be guarded, even by the whole navy of England; especially where their restraining authority was by all the inhabitants deemed unconstitutional, the smuggling of course considered as patriotism. The needy wretches, too, who, with small salaries, were trusted to watch the ports day and night, in all weathers, found it easier and more profitable, not only to wink, but to sleep in their beds; the merchant's pay being more generous than the King's. Other India goods, also, which, by themselves, would not have made a smuggling voyage sufficiently profitable, accompanied tea to advantage; and it is feared the cheap French silks, formerly rejected, as not to the taste of the colonies, may have found their way with the wares of India, and now established themselves in the popular use and opinion.

It is supposed, that at least a million of Americans drink tea twice a day, which, at the first cost here, can scarce be reckoned at less than half a guinea a head per annum. This market, that in the five years which have run on since the act passed, would have paid two million five hundred thousand guineas for tea alone, into the coffers of the Company, we have wantonly lost to foreigners.

Meanwhile, it is said, the duties have so diminished, that the whole remittance of the last year amounted to no more than the pitiful sum of eighty-five pounds,* for the expense of some hundred thousands, in armed

* "Eighty-five pounds, I am assured, my Lords, is the whole equivalent we have received for all the hatred and mischief, and all the infinite losses this kingdom has suffered during that year, in her disputes with North America." See the Bishop of St. Asaph's "Speech, intended to have been spoken.” — B. V.

VOL. IV.

49

GG

ships and soldiers, to support the officers. Hence the tea, and other India goods, which might have been sold in America, remain rotting in the Company's warehouses; while those of foreign ports are known to be cleared by the American demand. Hence, in some degree, the Company's inability to pay their bills; the sinking of their stock, by which millions of property have been annihilated; the lowering of their dividend, whereby so many must be distressed; the loss to government of the stipulated four hundred thousand pounds a year,† which must make a proportionable reduction in our savings towards the discharge of our enormous debt; and hence, in part, the severe blow suffered by credit in general, to the ruin of many families; the stagnation of business in Spitalfields and at Manchester, through want of vent for their goods; with other future evils, which, as they cannot, from the numerous and secret connexions in general commerce, easily be foreseen, can hardly be avoided.

*At this time they contained many millions of pounds of tea, including the usual stock on hand. Mr. Burke, in his Speech in 1774, supposes that America might have given a vent for ten millions of pounds. This seems to have been the greater part of the whole quantity. — B. V.

† On account of a temporary compromise of certain disputes with government.-B. V.

Seen in certain memorable mercantile failures in the year 1772. -B. V.

RULES

FOR

REDUCING A GREAT EMPIRE TO A SMALL ONE;

PRESENTED TO A LATE MINISTER,

WHEN HE ENTERED UPON HIS ADMINISTRATION.

The minister here alluded to is supposed to be the Earl of Hillsborough. His policy and acts as minister contributed more, perhaps, than that of any other man towards increasing the discontents, which led to a separation of the colonies from the mother country.

In a letter to his son, dated London, October 6th, 1773, Dr. Franklin said; "I have written two pieces here lately for the PUBLIC ADVERTISER, on American affairs, designed to expose the conduct of this country towards the colonies in a short, comprehensive, and striking view, and stated therefore in out-of-the-way forms, as most likely to take the general attention. The first was called, Rules by which a Great Empire may be reduced to a Small One; the second, An Edict of the King of Prussia. I send you one of the first, but could not get enough of the second to spare you one, though my clerk went the next morning to the printer's, and wherever they are sold. They were all gone but two. In my own mind I prefer the first, as a composition, for the quantity and value of the matter contained, and a kind of spirited ending of each paragraph. But I find that others more generally prefer the second. I am not suspected as the author, except by one or two friends."

Again, November 3d; "I mentioned my having written two papers, of which I preferred the first, but the public the last. It seems I was mistaken in judging of the public opinion; for the first was reprinted some weeks after in the same paper, the printer giving for reason, that he did it in compliance with the earnest request of many private persons, and some respectable societies; which is the more extraordinary, as it had been copied in several other papers, and in the Gentleman's Magazine. Such papers

may seem to have a tendency to increase our divisions; but I intend a contrary effect; and hope, by comprising in a little room, and setting in a strong light, the grievances of the colonies, more attention will be paid to them by our administration, and that, when their unreasonableness is generally seen, some of them will be removed, to the restoration of harmony between us." — EDITOR.

AN ancient sage valued himself upon this, that, though he could not fiddle, he knew how to make a great city of a little one. The science that I, a modern simpleton, am about to communicate, is the very

reverse.

I address myself to all ministers who have the management of extensive dominions, which from their very greatness have become troublesome to govern, because the multiplicity of their affairs leaves no time for fiddling.

1. In the first place, Gentlemen, you are to consider, that a great empire, like a great cake, is most easily diminished at the edges. Turn your attention, therefore, first to your remotest provinces; that, as you get rid of them, the next may follow in order.

2. That the possibility of this separation may always exist, take special care the provinces are never incorporated with the mother country; that they do not enjoy the same common rights, the same privileges in commerce; and that they are governed by severer laws, all of your enacting, without allowing them any share in the choice of the legislators. By carefully making and preserving such distinctions, you will (to keep to my simile of the cake) act like a wise gingerbread-baker, who, to facilitate a division, cuts his dough half through in those places where, when baked, he would have it broken to pieces.