of sawyers; riots of sailors; riots of Wilkesites; riots of government chairmen; riots of smugglers, in which custom-house officers and excisemen have been murdered, the King's armed vessels and troops fired at, &c. In America, if one mob rises, and breaks a few windows, or tars and feathers a single rascally informer, it is called rebellion; troops and fleets must be sent, and military execution talked of as the decentest thing in the world. Here, indeed, one would think riots part of the mode of government.

"And if she had not thought proper to centre almost all her care, as she has done, upon making the late peace, in procuring them a safe establishment, and to sacrifice to it, in a manner, every other object, she might, at least, expect from them a more decent and dutiful demeanour."

In the last war, America kept up twenty-five thousand men at her own cost for five years, and spent many millions. Her troops were in all battles, all service. Thousands of her youth fell a sacrifice. The crown gained an immense extent of territory, and a great number of new subjects. Britain gained a new market for her manufactures, and recovered and secured the old one among the Indians, which the French had interrupted and annihilated. But what did the Americans gain except that safe establishment, which they are now so taunted with? Lands were divided among none of them. The very fishery, which they fought to obtain, they are now restrained in. The plunder of the Havana was not for them. And this very safe establishment they might as well have had by treaty with the French, their neighbours, who would probably have been easily made and continued their friends, if it had not been for their connexion with Britain.

"And it seldom happens, that any one fares the better for his insolence."

Then don't be insolent with your power.

"For should matters on all sides, as I hope they never will, be carried to extremities, I cannot take upon me to say but England may yet produce both a ministry and Parliament, that would rather share them once more with the French, than totally relinquish her present pretensions."

We have been often threatened with this wise measure of returning Canada to France. Do it when you please. Had the French power, which you were five years subduing with twenty-five thousand regulars, and twenty-five thousand of us to help you, continued at our backs ready to support and assist us, whenever we might think proper to resist your oppressions, you would never have thought of a Stamp Act for us; you would not have dared to use us as you have done. If it be so politic a measure to have enemies at hand, (as the notion is) to keep your subjects in obedience, then give part of Ireland to the French to plant. Plant another French colony in the Highlands, to keep rebellious Scotland in order. Plant another on Tower Hill, to restrain your own mobs. There never was a notion more ridiculous. Don't you see the advantage you may have, if you preserve our connexion? The fifty thousand men and the fleet employed in America, during the last war, are now so much strength at liberty to be employed elsewhere. "The legislative power of every kingdom or empire should centre in one supreme assembly."

Distinguish here what may be convenient from what is fact. Before the union it was thought convenient, and long wished for, that the two kingdoms should join in one Parliament. But, till that union was formed,

the fact was, that their Parliaments were distinct, and the British Parliament would not make laws for Scotland. The same fact now subsists in America. The Parliaments and states are distinct; but the British Parliament has taken advantage of our minority, and usurped powers not belonging to it.

"It would not be amiss, perhaps, to ask them what bounds they would be content to fix to their claims and demands upon us, as hitherto they seem to be at a loss where to stop."

They only desire, that you would leave them where you found them; repeal all your taxing laws, and return to requisitions when you would have aids from them.

"I must freely own, that whatever opinion I may have of their right, I certainly have not quite as favorable one of their conduct, which often is neither consistent nor prudent."

They think the same of yours.

"If they are really willing we should exercise any acts of sovereignty among them at all, the imposition they have so riotously resisted might not improperly, perhaps, have been allowed better quarter."

Leave the King, who alone is the sovereign, to exercise his acts of sovereignty in appointing their governors, and in approving or disapproving their laws. But do you leave it to their choice to trade elsewhere for commodities? To go to another shop? No! you say they shall buy of you, or nobody.

"Nor should mere custom, nor any charter or law in being, be allowed any great weight in the decision of this point."

The charters are sacred. Violate them, and then the present bond of union (the kingly power over us) will be broken.

"The Americans may insist upon the same rights, privileges, and exemptions, as are allowed the Irish, because of the similarity, if not identity, of their connexions with us."

Surely the Americans deserve a little more. They never put you to the trouble and expense of conquering them, as Ireland has done three times over. They never were in rebellion. I speak now of the native Irish. The English families settled there lost no rights by their merit in conquering that country.

"But if any distinction were to be made, most certainly, of the two nations, the Americans are least entitled to any lenity on that score."

I wonder much at this "most certainly."

"The terms she may not think safe and proper to grant the Irish, she may judge full as dangerous and imprudent to grant the Americans."

It is very imprudent to deprive America of any of her privileges. If her commerce and friendship are of any importance to you, they are to be had on no other terms, than leaving her in the full enjoyment of her rights.

"Long before we could send among them any considerable number of forces, they might do a great deal of mischief, if not actually overturn all order and government."

They will take care to preserve order and government for their own sakes.

"Several other reasons might be offered, why the same measures, in regard to both nations, might not be altogether alike convenient and advisable."

Where you cannot so conveniently use force, there you should endeavour to secure affection.

OBSERVATIONS

ON

PASSAGES IN A PAMPHLET,

ENTITLED

"THE TRUE CONSTITUTIONAL MEANS

FOR

PUTTING AN END TO THE DISPUTES

BETWEEN

GREAT BRITAIN AND THE AMERICAN COLONIES.

LONDON, 1769."*

Extract. "EVERY British subject must acknowledge, that the directive influence of the British state remains with the British legislature, who are the only proper judges of what concerns the general welfare of the whole empire."

1

Observation. The British state is only the Island of Great Britain; the British legislature are undoubtedly the only proper judges of what concerns the welfare of that state; but the Irish legislature are the proper judges of what concerns the Irish state, and the American legislatures of what concerns the American states respectively. By "the whole empire" does this writer mean all the King's dominions? If so, the British Parliaments should also govern the Isles of Jersey and Guernsey, and Hanover; but this is not so.

"But the land tax, which I have proposed, is in its very nature unoppressive, and is equally well suited to the poorest as to the richest province of the British empire."

See above, 206, 211, 215, 281.