it disfranchising the people, who are now bawling about the constitution, and pretending vast concern for your liberties. In refusing you the least means of recommending, or expressing your regard for, persons to be placed over you as officers, and who were thus to be made your judges in life and estate, they have not regarded the example of the King, our wise as well as kind master; who, in all his requisitions made to the colonies, of raising troops for their defence, directed, that, "the better to facilitate the important service, the commissions should be given to such as, from their weight and credit with the people, may be best enabled to effectuate the levies."* In establishing a militia for the defence of the province, how could the "weight and credit" of men with the people be better discovered, than by the mode that bill directed, namely, by a majority of those, that were to be commanded, nominating three for each office to the governor, of which three he might take the one he liked best?

However, the courts-martial being established, and all of us thus put into his Honor's absolute power, the governor goes on to enhance the fines and penalties. Thus, in page 49 of the bill, where the assembly had proposed the fine to be ten shillings, the governor required it to be ten pounds. In page 50, where a fine of five pounds was mentioned, the governor's amendment required it to be made fifty pounds. And, in page 44, where the assembly had said, "shall forfeit and pay any sum, not exceeding five pounds," the governor's amendment says, "shall suffer death, or such other punishment as shall, according to the nature of the offence, be inflicted by the sentence of a courtmartial."

* See Secretary of State's Letters in the printed Votes.

The assembly's refusing to admit of these amendments in that bill, is one of their offences against the lord proprietary, for which that faction are now abusing them in both the languages* of the province, with all the virulence that reverend malice can dictate; enforced by numberless barefaced falsehoods, that only the most dishonest and base would dare to invent, and none but the most weak and credulous can possibly believe.

VERITAS.

* That is, the English and German languages, both of which were used in Pennsylvania. - EDITOR.

PREFACE

TO THE

SPEECH OF JOSEPH GALLOWAY,

ON THE SUBJECT OF A PETITION TO THE KING FOR CHANGING PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA TO A ROYAL GOVERNMENT.

THE

While the petition to the King for a royal government in Pennsylvania was under discussion in the assembly, Mr. John Dickinson made a speech against it, which was printed in a pamphlet, with a long preface by another hand. Mr. Galloway published a reply, entitled, "The Speech of Joseph Galloway, One of the Members for Philadelphia County, in Answer to the Speech of John Dickinson, delivered in the House of Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania, May 24th, 1764." To this reply was prefixed the following Preface, written by Dr. Franklin. For sarcastic humor, point, and strength of argument, it is one of the best of his performances. The contest created a good deal of heat between the parties. Mr. Dickinson wrote an answer to Galloway's Speech, in which he defended himself ably; but his language was too strongly marked with asperity and personal invective. - EDITOR.

IT is not merely because Mr. Dickinson's speech was ushered into the world by a preface, that one is made to this of Mr. Galloway. But, as in that preface a number of aspersions were thrown on our assemblies, and their proceedings grossly misrepresented, it was thought necessary to wipe those aspersions off by some proper animadversions, and, by a true state of facts, to rectify those misrepresentations.

The preface begins with saying, that "Governor Denny (whose administration will never be mentioned but with disgrace in the annals of this province) was induced by considerations, to which the world is now no stranger, to pass sundry acts," &c., thus insinuating, that by some unusual base bargain, secretly made but afterwards discovered, he was induced to pass them.

It is fit, therefore, without undertaking to justify all that governor's administration, to show what those considerations were. Ever since the revenue of the quitrents first, and after that the revenue of tavern-licenses, were settled irrevocably on our proprietors and governors, they have looked on those incomes as their proper estate, for which they were under no obligations to the people; and when they afterwards concurred in passing any useful laws, they considered them as so many jobs, for which they ought to be particularly paid. Hence arose the custom of presents twice a year to the governors, at the close of each session in which laws were passed, given at the time of passing; they usually amounted to a thousand pounds per annum. But when the governors and assemblies disagreed, so that laws were not passed, the presents were withheld. When a disposition to agree ensued, there sometimes still remained some diffidence. The governors would not pass the laws that were wanted, without being sure of the money, even all that they called their arrears; nor the assemblies give the money without being sure of the laws. Thence the necessity of some private conference, in which mutual assurances of good faith might be received and given, that the transactions should go hand in hand. What name the impartial reader will give to this kind of commerce, I cannot say. To me it appears an extortion of more money from the people, for that to which they had before an undoubted right,

both by the constitution and by purchase; but there was no other shop they could go to for the commodity they wanted, and they were obliged to comply. Time established the custom, and made it seem honest; so that our governors, even those of the most undoubted honor, have practised it.

Governor Thomas, after a long misunderstanding with the assembly, went more openly to work with them in managing this commerce, and they with him. The fact is curious, as it stands recorded in the votes of 1742-3. Sundry bills sent up to the governor for his assent had lain long in his hands, without any answer. January 4th, the House "Ordered, That Thomas Leech and Edward Warner wait upon the governor, and acquaint him, that the House had long waited for his result on the bills that lie before him, and desire to know when they may expect it." The gentlemen return and report, "That they waited upon the governor, and delivered the message of the House according to order; and that the governor was pleased to say, 'He had had the bills long under consideration, and waited the result of the House."" The House well understood this hint; and immediately resolved into a committee of the whole House, to take what was called the governor's support into consideration, in which they made (the minutes say) some progress; and the next morning, it appears, that that progress, whatever it was, had been communicated to him, for he sent them down this message by his secretary; "Mr. Speaker, The governor commands me to acquaint you, that, as he has received assurances of a good disposition in the House, he thinks it incumbent on him to show the like on his part; and therefore sends down the bills, which lay before him, without any amendment."

As this message only showed a good disposition, but