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ELIAS BOUDINOT.

Or Mr. Boudinot's ancestors hardly any thing is recorded. His grandfather was one of the numerous Protestants who fled from France to America on the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. His father died in the year 1770, and all that is known of his mother is, that she was of Welsh descent. He was born in Philadelphia, on the second of May, 1740. After receiving a classical education, such as the colonies at that period afforded, he commenced the study of law in the office of Richard Stockton,* an eminent lawyer of New Jersey. Soon after he entered upon the practice of his profession, and rose to distinction. Early in life he married the eldest sister of his law preceptor, by whom he had an only daughter. Mrs. Boudinot died in 1808, and he was a second time married to a lady of New York, who survived him.

At the commencement of the difficulties with the mother country, Mr. Boudinot espoused the cause of the colonies, advocating their rights against the encroachments of tyranny and the cruelties of the ministry, with ability and the highest patriotism. In 1777 he was appointed by the Continental Congress, Commissary-general of prisoners, and during the same year he was elected a delegate to that body from the State of New Jersey. In this position he became distinguished, being in November, 1782, chosen President of Congress. In that capacity, subsequently, he signed the treaty of peace, which secured the independence of the United States. Soon after he resumed the practice of his profession, and on the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1789, he was again elevated to a seat in the lower house of Congress, where he remained, by re-elections, during the succeeding six years, taking an important part in the delib

* RICHARD STOCKTON was born at Princeton, New Jersey, on the 1st of October, 1780. His ancestors emigrated from England at an early period of the colony. John Stockton, his father, was a gentleman of extensive fortune, and a high character, a great benefactor to the College of New Jersey, and for many years a judge in the Court of Common Pleas, in the county of Somerset. He acquired his education at an academy in Nottingham, Maryland, under the charge of the Rev. Samuel Finley. He graduated at New Jersey College; read law with David Ogden, of Newark; was admitted to the bar in August, 1754, and at once entered upon the duties of his profession. His practice gradually increased; "as an eloquent and accomplished advocate, he had no competitor." In 1766 he visited England, where he was received with much attention, and often consulted upon the affairs of the colonies. During his visit he used his efforts to obtain the services of Dr. Witherspoon, for the college of his native State, and was successful. Dr. Witherspoon became the president of that institution on the death of Dr. Finley. Mr. Stockton remained abroad some fifteen months. The year following his return he was made a member of Council, and in 1774 he was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court. He was a member of the Congress of 1776, and signed the Declaration of Independence. During the war he suffered the greatest distresses. His residence at Princeton was directly in the route of the British army, in its triumphant march through New Jersey. His home was soon the scene of desolation; his estate was laid waste, his property pillaged and destroyed. Compelled to fly with his wife and children to a place of safety, he sought refuge in the house of an old friend, in the county of Monmouth. But the place of his retreat was soon discovered by a party of refugee royalists, who dragged him from his bed at night; subjected him to every species of insult and indignity; exposed him to all the severity of a most inclement season; and hurried him to New York, where he was thrown into the common jail. His treatment here was so severe as to call for the interposition of Congress; and after his release his health was so broken that he never recovered. He died on the 28th of February, 1781, in the fifty-first year of his age. He married the sister of Elias Boudinot, and left two sons and four daughters. Mrs. Stockton was a woman of highly-cultivated mind, and of excellent literary taste. She was the author of veral poetical productions, many of which evince no ordinary merit.-New Jersey Historical Collections, vol. 8, 190-202.

erations of that body. On leaving that station, in 1796, he was appointed, by President Washington, Director of the National Mint, as the successor of Dr. Rittenhouse,* in which office he continued until 1805, performing its duties with such fidelity and ability as commanded universal confidence. Resigning his office, he retired from all public life, and settled in Burlington, New Jersey, where "he passed his time in literary pursuits, liberal hospitality, and active attention to the best interests of his country and of the church of Christ, for which he was ever distinguished." At an early period of his life he united himself in full communion with the Christian church, devoting himself to the exercise of a liberal public and private charity, and uniformly continuing a zealous and exemplary professor of religion to the day of his death. He was a trustee and a munificent benefactor of the College of New Jersey, founding, in that institution, an extensive and valuable cabinet of natural history, besides bequeathing to it at his death a large sum of money and valuable tracts of land.

In 1812 he was elected a member of the Board of Foreign Missions, and on the organization of the American Bible Society in 1816, he was chosen its first president. In accepting that office he wrote: "I am not ashamed to confess that I accept the appointment of President of the American Bible Society as the greatest honor that could have been conferred on me this side of the grave." A short time after he presented that society with ten thousand dollars, thus effectually aiding in the establishment of that important moral agency, whose powerful and cheering influence is now felt in all the corners of the world.

Mr. Boudinot evinced a great interest in the cause of missions, particularly in reference to the aborigines of America. In 1816 he published a curious work, in which he endeavored, like Mr. Adair,t to establish the conclusion that the American Indians were the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel; and when the Cherokee youths were brought to the school of the Foreign Missions in 1818, one of them, by his permission, took his name. He continued in the presidency of the Bible Society until his decease, displaying an unremitting interest in the welfare of that institution, and performing the duties of his office even while suffering under the infirmities of a very advanced age and acute bodily pain. He died in the year 1821. By the religion which he professed he was supported and cheered as he went down to the grave. His patience was unexhausted; his faith was strong and triumphant. Exhorting those around him to rest in Jesus Christ, as the only ground of trust, and commending his daughter and only child to the care of his friends, he expressed his desire to go in peace to the bosom of his Father in heaven; and his last prayer was, "Lord Jesus, receive my spirit!" By his will, Dr. Boudinot, after providing suitably for his only daughter, bequeathed the most of his large estate to those objects which had been dearest to him through life: the promotion of literature and the diffusion of knowledge.§

* David Rittenhouse, the celebrated mathematician, was born at Germantown, Pa., on the 8th of April, 1782, and died 26th of June, 1796. The memoirs of his life were published, in 1813, by his nephew, William Barton, and contain various notices of many of the distinguished contemporaries of Dr. Rittenhouse.

† James Adair was an Indian trader, and for many years resided among the southern tribes, principally the Chickasaws and Cherokees. He published a History of the American Indians, in 1775. In that work he labored to show, from certain supposed resemblances in manners and customs, the descent of the aborigines of America from the Jews. The most valuable part of his work is in his vocabularies of Indian dialects, and even these are not wholly satisfactory to the ethnological student.

The title of this work is, "A Star in the West; or a humble attempt to discover the long lost Ten Tribes of Israel, preparatory to their return to their beloved city Jerusalem." Dr. Boudinot also published, in 1790, The Age of Revelation; or the Age of Reason an Age of Infidelity; subsequently an oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, which is included in this volume; The Second Advent of the Messiah; and the Life of William Tennent.

§ In the preparation of this sketch, the editor has relied mainly on the facts as given by Mr. Holmes, in his invaluable Annals of America, and the brief sketch of Mr. Boudinot's life in the National Portrait Gallery.

ORATION BEFORE THE CINCINNATI.

THIS oration was delivered by Mr. Boudinot, | us, in a miraculous deliverance from a second at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, agreeably to a Egypt-another house of bondage. "And thou resolution of the State Society of Cincinnati,* on the Fourth of July, 1793.

GENTLEMEN, BRETHREN, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: Having devoutly paid the sacrifice of prayer and praise to that Almighty Being, by whose favor and mercy this day is peculiarly dedicated to the commemoration of events I which fill our minds with joy and gladness, it becomes me, in obedience to the resolutions of our Society, to aim at a further improvement of this festival, by leading your reflections to the contemplation of those special privileges which attend the happy and important situation you now enjoy among the nations of the earth.

Is there any necessity, fellow-citizens, to spend your time in attempting to convince you of the policy and propriety of setting apart this anniversary, for the purpose of remembering, with gratitude, the unexampled event of our political salvation?

The cordial testimony you have borne to this institution for seventeen years past, supersedes the necessity of an attempt of this kind; and, indeed, if this had been the first instance of our commemorating the day, the practice of all nations and of all ages, would have given a sanction to the measure.

The history of the world, as well sacred as profane, bears witness to the use and importance of setting apart a day as a memorial of great events, whether of a religious or political

nature.

No sooner had the great Creator of the heavens and the earth finished his almighty work, and pronounced all very good, but he set apart (not an anniversary, or one day in a year, but) one day in seven, for the commemoration of his inimitable power in producing all things out of nothing.

The deliverance of the children of Israel from a state of bondage to an unreasonable tyrant, was perpetuated by the eating of the Paschal Lamb, and enjoining it to their posterity as an annual festival for ever, with a "remember this day, in which ye came out of Egypt, out of the house of bondage."

The resurrection of the Saviour of mankind is commemorated by keeping the first day of the week, not only as a certain memorial of his first coming in a state of humiliation, but the positive evidence of his future coming in glory. Let us then, my friends and fellow-citizens, unite all our endeavors this day, to remember, with reverential gratitude to our supreme Benefactor, all the wonderful things he has done for

See note at page 263.

is kept as a day of joy and gladness, because shalt show thy son on this day, saying this day of the great things the Lord has done for us, when we were delivered from the threatening power of an invading foe. And it shall be a sign unto thee, upon thine hand, and for a memorial between thine eyes, that the law of the Lord may be in thy mouth, for with a strong hand hast thou been delivered from thine enemies: Thou shalt therefore keep this ordinance in its season, from year to year, for ever."

When great events are to be produced in this our world, great exertions generally become necessary; men are therefore usually raised up, with talents and powers peculiarly adapted to the purposes intended by Providence, who often by their disinterested services and extreme sufferings, become the wonder as well as the examples of their generation.

The obligations of mankind to these worthy characters, increase in proportion to the importance of the blessings purchased by their labors.

It is not then an unreasonable expectation which, I well know, generally prevails, that this day should be usually devoted to the perpetuating and respectfully remembering the dignified characters of those great men, with whom it has been our honor to claim the intimate connection of fellow-citizens,-men who have purchased our present joyful circumstances at the invaluable price of their blood.

But you must also acknowledge with me, that this subject has been so fully considered, and so ably handled by those eloquent and enlightened men who have gone before me in this honorable path, that had their superior abilities fallen to my lot, I could do but little more than repeat the substance of their observations and vary their language.

Forgive me, ye spirits of my worthy, departed fellow-citizens! Patriots of the first magnitude, whose integrity no subtle arts of bribery and corruption could successfully assail; and whose fortitude and perseverance no difficulties or dangers could intimidate! Whose labors and sufferings in the common cause of our country-whose exploits in the field and wisdom in the cabinet, I have often been witness to, during a cruel and distressing war! Forgive, O'Warren, Montgomery! and all the nameless heroes of your illustrious group! Forgive, that I omit on the present occasion, to follow the steps of those compatriots who have preceded me, but had rather spend this sacred hour in contemplating those great purposes which animated your souls in the severe conflict, and for which you fought and bled!

Were you present to direct this day's meditations, would you not point to your scarred limbs and bleeding breasts, and loudly call upon

us to reward your toils and sufferings, by forcibly inculcating and improving those patriotic principles and practices which led you to those noble achievements that secured the blessings we now enjoy?

Yes, ye martyrs to liberty! ye band of heroes! ye once worthy compatriots and fellowcitizens! We will obey your friendly suggestion, and greatly prize that freedom and independence, purchased by your united exertions, as the most invaluable gem of our earthly crown!

The late revolution, my respected audience, in which we this day rejoice, is big with events that are daily unfolding themselves and pressing in thick succession, to the astonishment of a wondering world!

It has been marked with the certain characteristic of a divine over-ruling hand, in that it was brought about and perfected against all human reasoning, and apparently against all human hope; and that in the very moment of time when all Europe seemed ready to be plunged into commotion and distress.

Divine Providence, throughout the government of this world, appears to have impressed many great events with the undoubted evidence of his own almighty arm. He putteth down kingdoms and he setteth up whom he pleaseth, and it has been literally verified in us, that, "no king prevaileth by the power of his own strength."

The first great principle established and secured by our revolution, and which since seems to be pervading all the nations of the earth; and which should be most zealously and carefully improved and gloried in by us, is the rational equality and rights of men, as men and citizens.

I do not mean to hold up the absurd idea charged upon us, by the enemies of this valuable principle, and which contains in it, inevitable destruction to every government, "that all men are equal as to acquired or adventitious rights." Men must and do continually differ in their genius, knowledge, industry, integrity and activity.

Their natural and moral characters-their virtues and vices-their abilities, natural and acquired-together with favorable opportunities for exertion, will always make men different among themselves, and of course create a preeminency and superiority one over another. But the equality and rights of men here contemplated are natural, essential, and unalienable, such as the security of life, liberty, and property. These should be the firm foundation of every good government, as they will apply to all nations, at all times, and may properly be called a universal law. It is apparent that every man is born with the same right to improve the talent committed to him, for the use and benefit of society, and to be respected accordingly.

We are all the workmanship of the same divine hand. With our Creator, abstractly considered, there are neither kings nor subjects,

| masters nor servants, otherwise than stewards of his appointment, to serve each other according to our different opportunities and abilities, and of course accountable for the manner in which we perform our duty,-he is no respecter of persons,-he beholds all with an equal eye, and although "order is heaven's first law," and he has made it essential to every good government, and necessary for the welfare of every community, that there should be distinctions among members of the same society, yet this difference is originally designed for the service, benefit, and best good of the whole, and not for their oppression or destruction.*

It is our duty then, as a people, acting on principles of universal application, to convince mankind of the truth and practicability of them, by carrying them into actual exercise for the happiness of our fellow-men, without suffering to be perverted to oppression or licentiousness.

The eyes of the nations of the earth are fast opening, and the inhabitants of this globe, notwithstanding it is 3000 years since the promulgation of that invaluable precept, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," are but just be ginning to discover their brotherhood to each other, and that all men, however different with regard to nation or color, have an essential interest in each other's welfare.

Let it then be our peculiar, constant care and vigilant attention, to inculcate this sacred principle, and to hand it down to posterity, improved by every generous and liberal practice, that while we are rejoicing in our own political and religious privileges, we may with pleasure contemplate the happy period, when all the nations of the earth shall join in the triumph of this day, and one universal anthem of praise shall arise to the universal Creator in return for the general joy.

Another essential ingredient in the happiness we enjoy as a nation, and which arises from the principles of the revolution, is the right that every people have to govern themselves in such manner as they judge best calculated for the common benefit.

It is a principle interwoven with our constitution, and not one of the least blessings purchased by that glorious struggle, to the commemoration of which this day is specially devoted, that every man has a natural right to be governed by laws of his own making, either in person or by his representative; and that no authority ought justly to be exercised over him, that is not derived from the people, of whom he is one.

* Lactantius, lib. 5, cap. 15, fol. 899, speaking of the univer sal equality of mankind, says: "Equitatem dico-se cum cæteris cœquandi, quam Cicero acquabilitatem vocat-Deus enim, qui homines generat & inspirat, omnes æcquos, id est

pares esse voluit: Eamdem conditionem vivendi omnibus

posuit, omnes ad sapientiam genuit: omnibus immortalitatem spopondit. Nemo apud eum servus est, nemo dominus."

This, fellow-citizens, is a most important, | ble story, but prudently mark the effects of their practical principle, first carried into complete public measures, and judge of the tree by its execution by the United States of America.

I tremble for the event, while I glory in the subject.

fruits.

I do not wish to discourage a constant and lively attention to the conduct of our rulers. A prudent suspicion of public measures is a great security to a republican government; bat a line should be drawn between a careful and critical examination into the principles and effects of regular systems after a fair and candid trial, and a captious, discontented and censo

To you, ye citizens of America! do the inhabitants of the earth look with cager attention for the success of a measure on which their happiness and prosperity so manifestly depend. To use the words of a famous foreigner, "You are become the hope of human nature, and ought to become its great example. The asy-rious temper, which leads to find fault with lum opened in your land for the oppressed of all nations must console the earth."

On your virtue, patriotism, integrity, and submission to the laws of your own making, and the government of your own choice, do the hopes of men rest with prayers and supplications for a happy issue.

every proposition in which we have not an immediate hand; and raise obstacles to rational plans of government, without waiting a fair experiment. It is generally characteristic of this disposition, to find fault without proposing a better plan for consideration.

We should not forget that our country is

ners, interests, and habits. That our laws to be right, must be equal and general; of course the differing interests must be combined, and brotherly conciliation and forbearance continually exercised, if we will judge with propriety of those measures that respect a nation at large.

Be not, therefore, careless, indolent, or inat-large, and our fellow-citizens of different mantentive, in the exercise of any right of citizenship. Let no duty, however small, or seemingly of little importance, be neglected by you. Ever keep in mind that it is parts that form the whole, and fractions constitute the unit. Good government generally begins in the family, and if the moral character of a people once degenerates, their political character must soon follow.

A friendly consideration of our fellow-citizens, who by our free choice become the public servants, and manage the affairs of our common country, is but a reasonable return for their diligence and care in our service.

The most enlightened and zealous of our public servants, can do little without the exertions of private citizens to perfect what they do but form as it were in embryo. The highest officers of our government are but the first servants of the people and always in their power: they have, therefore, a just claim to a fair and candid experiment of the plans they form and the laws they enact for the public weal. Too much should not be expected from them; they are but men and of like passions and of like infirmities with ourselves; they are liable to err, though exercising the purest motives and best abilities required for the purpose.

Times and circumstances may change and accidents intervene to disappoint the wisest measures. Mistaken and wicked men (who cannot live but in troubled waters) are often laboring with indefatigable zeal, which sometimes prove but too successful, to sour our minds and derange the best formed systems. Plausible pretensions and censorious insinuations, are always at hand to transfer the deadly poison of jealousy, by which the best citizens may for a time be deceived.

These considerations should lead to an attentive solicitude to keep the pure, unadulterated principles of our constitution, always in view; to be religiously careful in our choice of public officers; and as they are again in our power at ery short periods, lend not too easily a patient to every invidious insinuation or improba

While we thus enjoy as a community, the blessings of the social compact in its purity, and are all endeavoring to secure the invaluable privileges, purchased by the blood of thousands of our brethren who fell in the dreadful conflict; let us also be careful to encourage and promote a liberality and benevolence of mind towards those whom they have left behind, and whose unhappy fate it has been to bear a heavier proportion of the expensive purchase, in the loss of husbands, parents or children, perhaps their only support and hope in life.

Mankind, considered as brethren, should be dear to each other; but, fellow-citizens, who have together braved the common dangerwho have fought side by side,-who have mingled their blood together, as it were in one rich stream,-who have labored and toiled with united efforts to accomplish the same glorious end, must surely be more than brethren-it is a union cemented by blood.

I can no longer deny myself the felicity, my beloved friends and fellow-citizens, members of a Society founded on these humane and benevolent principles, of addressing myself more particularly to you, on a day, which in so peculiar a manner shines with increasing lustre on you, refreshing and brightening your hard-earned laurels, by renewing the honorable reward of your laborious services in the gratitude of your rejoicing fellow-citizens.

Methinks I behold you on the victorious banks of the Hudson, bowed down with the fatigues of an active campaign, and the sufferings of an inclement winter, receiving the welcome news of approaching peace, and your country's political salvation, with all that joy of heart and serenity of mind, that become citizens who flew to their arms, merely at their country's call, in a time of common danger.

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