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is publicly made; nor is the name of the accuser made known to him, nor has he an opportunity of confronting the witnesses against him, for they are kept in the dark, as in the Spanish court of inquisition. Nor is there any petty jury of his peers sworn to try the truth of the charges. The proceedings are also sometimes so rapid that an honest good citizen may find himself suddenly and unexpectedly accused, and in the same moment judged and condemned, and sentence pronounced against him that he is a rogue and a vil. lain. Yet if an officer of this court receives the slightest check for misconduct in this his office, he claims immediately the rights of a free citizen by the consti. tution, and demands to know his accuser, to confront the witnesses, and have a fair trial by a jury of his peers.

The foundation of its authority. It is said to be founded on an article in the state constitution, which establishes the liberty of the press La liberty which every Pennsylvanian would fight and die for, though few of us, I believe, have distinct ideas of its nature and extent. It seems, indeed, somewhat like the liberty of the press, that felons have, by the common law of England, before conviction ; that is, to be either pressed to death or hanged. If by the liberty of the press we understood merely the liberty of discussing the propriety of public measures and political opinions, let us have as much of it as you please ; but if it means the liberty of affronting, ca. lumniating, and defaming one another, I, for my part, own myself willing to part with my share of it, whenever our legislators shall please to alter the law; and shall cheerfully consent to exchange my liberty of abusing others, for the privilege of not being abused myself. By whom this court is commissioned or constituted.

It is not by any commission from the supreme executive council, who might previously judge of the abi. lities, integrity, knowledge, &c. of the persons to be appointed to this great trust, of deciding upon the characters and good fame of the citizens : for this court is above that council, and may accuse, judge, and con. demn it at pleasure. Nor is it hereditary, as is the court of dernier resort in the peerage of England. But any man who can procure pen, ink, and paper, with a press, a few types, and a huge pair of blacking balls, may commissionate himself, and his court is in mediately established in the plenary possession and exercise of its rights; for if you make the least complaint of the judge's conduct, he daubs his blacking balls in your face wherever he meets you: and besides tearing your private character to splinters, marks you out for the odium of the public, as an enemy to the liberty of

the press.

Of the natural support of these courts. Their support is founded in the depravity of such minds as have not been mended by religion, nor improved by good education.

There is a lust in man no charm can tame,

Of loudly publishing his neighbour's shame.
Hence,

On eagle's wings immortal scandals fly,
While virtuous actions are but born and die.

DRYDEN

Whoever feels pain in hearing a good character of his neighbour, will feel a pleasure in the reverse. And of those who, despairing to rise into distinction by their virtues, are happy if others can be depressed to a level with themselves, there are a number sufficient in every great town to maintain one of these courts by subscription. A shrewd observer once said, that in walking the streets of a slippery morning, one might see where the good-natured people lived, by the ashes thrown on the ice before the doors : probably he would have formed a different conjecture of the temper of those whom he might find engaged in such subscriptions. of the checks proper to be established against the

abuses of power in those courts. Hitherto there are none. But since so much has been written and published on the federal constitution, and the necessity of checks, in all parts of good go vernment, has been so clearly and learnedly explained, I find myself so far enlightened as to suspect some check may be proper in this part also: but I have been at a loss to imagine any that may not be construed an infringement of the sacred liberty of the press. At length, however, I think I have found one that, instead of diminishing general liberty, shall

aug. ment it; which is, by restoring to the people a species of liberty, of which they have been deprived by our laws. I mean the liberty of the cudgel! In the rude state of society, prior to the existence of laws, if one man gave another ill language, the affronted person might return it by a box on the ear; and, if repeated, by a good drubbing; and this without offending against any law: but now the right of making such returns is denied, and they are punished as breaches of the

peace, while the right of abusing seems to remain in full force ; the laws made against it being rendered ineffectual by the liberty of the press.

My proposal then is, to leave the liberty of the press untouched, to be exercised in its full extent, force, and vigour, but to permit the liberty of the cudgel to go with it, pari passu. Thus, my fellow.citizens, if an impudent writer attacks your reputation, dearer perhaps to you than your life, and puts his name to the charge, you may go to him as openly, and break his head. If he conceals himself behind the printer, and you can nevertheless discover who he is, you may, in like manner, waylay him in the night, attack him be. hind, and give him a good drubbing. If your adversary hires better writers than himself to abuse. you more effectually, you may hire as many porters, stronger than yourself, to assist you in giving him a more effectual drubbing. Thus far goes my project as to private resentment and retribution. But if the public should ever happen to be affronted, as it ought to be, with the conduct of such writers, I would not advise proceeding immediately to these extremities, but that we should in moderation content ourselves with tarring and feathering, and tossing them in a blanket.

If, however, it should be thought that this proposal of mine may disturb the public peace, I would then humbly recommend to our legislators to take up the consideration of both liberties, that of the press, and that of the cudgel ; and by an explicit law mark their extent and limits : and at the same time that they secure the person of a citizen from assaults, they would likewise provide for the security of his reputation.

INFLUENCE OF THE PRESS. The ancient Roman and Greek orators could only speak to the number of citizens capable of being as. sembled within the reach of their voice; their woritings had little effect, because the bulk of the people could not read. Now by the press we can speak to nations ; and good books, and well written pamphlets, have great and general influence. The facility with which the same truths may be repeatedly enforced by placing them in different lights, in newspapers which are every where read, gives a great chance of establishing them. And we now find, that it is not only right to strike while the iron is hot, but that it is very practicable to heat it by continual striking.

PRIDE.

There is perhaps no one of our natural passions so hard to subdue as pride ; disguise it, struggle with it, stifle it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and show itself ; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history. For even if I could conceive that I had completely overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humi. lity.

PRIVATEERING.

Piraterie, as the French call it, or privateering, is the universal bent of the English nation, at home and abroad, wherever settled. No less than seven hundred privateers were, it is said, commissioned in the last war! These were fitted out by merchants, to prey upon other merchants, who had never done them any injury. Is there probably any one of those pri

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