into the four bishoprics of Culm, Pomesania, Ermeland, and Sameland."

§ 93.

ATTEMPTS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS TO SPREAD CHRISTIANITY IN ASIA.

So far the Nestorians alone1 of all Christian parties had extended themselves into Middle and Eastern Asia (see vol. i. Part 2, § 122). In the beginning of the 11th century, they even succeeded in converting the royal family of the Tartar tribe Kerait, which inhabited the country south of the Baikal sea. The native Christians of Syria translated Owang Khan, the title of the prince of this tribe, into the name Prester John.2 They delighted in opposing to the arrogance of the Western crusaders tales of the might and magnificence of their associate in the faith throned in the farthest East,3 and caused letters to be issued from him to the sovereigns of Europe.

Alexander III., on the other hand, in

The documents may be found at the end of Petrus de Dusburg, ed. Hartknoch, p. 476. They were so much in favor with the califs, that the Christians of all other churches were placed under the jurisdiction of the Nestorian patriarch, see J. S. Assemani bibl. orient. 11. 1. 96.

Marco Polo lib. i. c. 51, in the Recueil de voyages et de mémoires publié par la société de géographie T. i. (Paris, 1824. 4.) p. 346: de Presto Joanne, qui proprio nomine vocabatur Unchan, loquebatur totus mundus. Hammer, Gesch. d. goldenen Horde, s. 61, has Owang-Chan. The Nestorian inhabitants of Syria understood the Mongolian royal title Khan as priest, and Owang as a name for which they substituted Juchanan,

see my remarks in the theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1837, ii. 353. In the thirteenth century this Mongol title was better known. Abulpharagins, Hist. Dynast. p. 280, calls OwangKhan, Malek Juhana; Rubruquis has it Regem Johannem.

3 Rubruquis (Recueil de Voyages, iv. 260): Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus, per quas transivi, et in quadam planitie inter illas alpes erat quidam Nestorinus pastor potens et dominus super populum, qui dicebantur Haiman, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Mortuo Concham elevavit se ille Nestorinus in Regem, et vocabant eum Nestorini Regem Johannem, et plus dicebant de ipso in decuplo quam veritas esset. Ita enim faciunt Nestorini venientes de partibus illis: de nihilo enim faciunt magnos rumores. The fictitious tales of the Bishop of Gabula, one of the Armenian embassadors who in 1145 were sent to Eugene III., brought the first intelligence of Prester John to the Western World. Otto Frising, vii. c. 33. - Oriental accounts of Prester John may be found in Assemani bibl. orient. III. ii. 484. Comp. Mosheim Hist. Tartarorum ecclesiastica (Helmst. 1741. 4), p. 16; also his Institutt. hist. eccl. p. 443. Schlosser's Weltgesch. III. ii. i. 268. C. Ritter's Erdkunde, Thl. 2, Bd. 1 (2te Aufl. Berlin, 1832), s. 256, 283. D'Avezac in the Recueil de Voyages, iv. 547.

To the Pope, the Kings of France and Portugal, and the Greek emperor, see Petit de la Croix hist. de Genghizcan, p. 31. The last is printed in Assemani bibl. orient. III. ii. 490.

6

vited Prester John to put himself in subjection to the Roman Church.5 He became in fact, in 1202, a vassal of the powerful Zengis (Genghis) Khan, but he long survived in Western poetry as the priestly ruler of an earthly paradise. Among the Mongol Khans, the mendicant friars, who had been repeatedly sent by the Popes and St. Lewis for their conversion, believed that there was

Alexander's letter to him (carissimo in Christo filio, illustri et magnifico Indorum Regi, sacerdotum sanctissimo) in Rogeri de Hoveden annall. anglic. ad ann. 1178, p. 581, in Baronius, ann. 1177, note 33 ss.

Marco Polo lib. i. c. 63 (Recueil de Voyages, i. 358): Mastra civitas est Tenduch, et in ista provincia est Rex unus, qui descendit de Presto Johanne, et adhuc est Prestus Johannes, et suum nomen est Gorgion. Ipse tenet terram pro magno Kaan, sed non totam illam, quam tenebat Prestus Johannes, sed aliquam partem illius. Et semper magnus Kaan dedit de suis filiabus istis Regibus, qui descenderunt de Presto Johanne.

year

7 The magnificence of Prester John may be seen in a German poetical translation of his letter to the Greek emperor (note 4), in Haupt's and Hoffman's Altdeutsche Blätter, i. 308. This legend is placed in connection with the legend of the grail, by Albert the poet, des jungern Titurel, in the middle of the 14th century; the holy grail at last forsakes the sinful west, and withdraws into the country of Prester John, see San Marte's Leben u. Dichten Wolframs v. Eschenbach, Bd. 2 (Magdeburg, 1841), s. 437, 351. In the 15th century, Prester John was supposed to have been again discovered in the King of Ethiopia. See Magistri Hospitalarii Jerusal. epist. ad Carolum Regem Francorum, in the 1448, in d'Achery Spicileg. iii. 777, compare d'Avezac in the Recueil de Voyages, iv. 556. Innocent IV., in 1245, sent three Franciscans to the great Khan Gajuck, and four Dominicans to his commander-in-chief in Persia (Raynald. ann. 1245, no. 16 ss. There are extracts from the notes of the voyage by the Franciscan Johannes de Plano Carpini, and the Dominican Simon de Sancto Quintino, in Vincentii Bellov. Specul. Hist. lib. xxxii. Johannis de Plano Carpini hist. Mongalorum, quos nos Tartaros appellamus, was first published entire in the Recueil de Voyages et de mémoires publié par la société de géographie, t. iv. Paris, 1839. 4, p. 603). In 1248, St. Lewis sent a Dominican to the same great Khan (Joinville hist. de s. Louis ed. Petitot. p. 332); and in 1253, a Franciscan to his successor, the great Khan Mangu, and the Mongol Prince Sartach (on this head, see Itinerarium fratris Willelmi de Rubruk [Ruysbroek, usually Rubruquis] de Ord. Frat. Minorum. ad partes orientales, first published entire in the original, in the Recueil de Voyages. iv. 199).—The conversion of Sartach, which his pretended chaplain, John, soon after announced to the Pope, and upon which Innocent IV. congratulates him in 1254 (Raynald. ad h. a. no. 1 ss.), was undoubtedly as fabulous as the intelligence given by the Armenian monk, Haitho (Haithonis Historia Orientalis, Colon. Brand. 1671. 4. p. 37), that the great Khan Mangu in 1253, upon the request of Haitho, king of Armenia, had received baptism.-After Mangu's death, in 1257, the great Mongol kingdom was divided be tween his two brothers, Hulagu in Persia, and Kublai in China. Hulagu († 1265) was favorable to the Christians (Asseman. III. ii. 103. Alexandri IV. epist. ad Olaonem Regem Tartarorum in Raynald. ann. 1260, no. 29 ss.): likewise his son and successor Abogha († 1282, the Pope's negotiations with him may be seen in Raynald. ann. 1267, no. 70; 1274, no. 21; 1277, no. 15; 1278, no. 17). His successor Achmet († 1284), was, indeed, a Mohammedan; but Argun († 1291) renewed the former alliance again (Raynald. ann. 1285, no. 79; 1288, no. 33; 1289, no. 60; 1291, no. 32), and the two Khans, Baidu and Cazan, even became Christians (comp. the Histor. Orientalis, p. 58 ss. of their contemporary Haitho). However, these Mongol princes attached less importance to Christianity than to an alliance with the Christian princes against the Mohammedans.-Also, the great Khan Kublaï, in China, was favorable to the Christians (compare the peregrinatio of Marco Polo, a Venetian in great favor with the Khan, from 1275-1293, probably written in Italian

so general a preparation for Christianity, that the Western World long fostered the hope of seeing this great people quite incorporated with the Roman Church. However, the Mongols showed an equal regard for the religions of all nations, that they might vanquish and rule over the nations themselves. Thus the Christians as well as the Mohammedans were deluded, as they vied with each other in endeavoring to win over the Khans exclusively to their faith. Moreover, among the Mongols the Nestorians always surpassed the Roman Catholics in number and influence;1o so the fruit of all these missionary labors at last was nothing more than one small community in Cambalu (Peking), for which Clement V. in 1307 appointed an archbishop," while this Mongol confusion of religions in the 13th century probably gave its present form to the superstition of the Lamas.12

in 1298, in two old texts, one published at full length, in French in the Recueil de Voyages et de mémoires, publié par la société de géographie, t. i. Paris, 1824. 4. p. 1, and one in Latin, ibid. p. 297; compare die Reisen des Venezianers Marco Polo, deutsch mit einem Commentar v. Aug. Bürck, nebst Zusatzen u. Verbesserungen v. K. F. Neumann, Leipzig, 1845): accordingly, in 1275, with Marco Polo, and afterward, in 1296 and 1299 (Raynald. ann. 1299, no. 39), Dominicans and Franciscans were sent to China.Compare on the whole subject Mosheim, hist. Tartarorum eccl. p. 29 ss. Mémoires sur les relations politiques des Princes chrétiens, et particulièrement des Rois de France avec les Empereurs Mongols par M. Abel-Rémusat in the Mémoires de l'institut royal de France, Acad. des inscript. t. vi. (1822), p. 396, especially p. 418 ss.

suum.

So says Rubruk (Recueil, iv. 313) of the festivals which Mangu Khan instituted: mos ejus est, quod talibus diebus, quos divini (devins, soothsayers) sui dicunt ei festos, vel sacerdotes Nestorini aliqui sacros, quod ipse tunc tenet curiam, et talibus diebus primo veniunt sacerdotes christiani cum suo apparatu, et orant pro eo, et benedicunt scyphum Istis recedentibus veniunt sacerdotes Sarraceni, et faciunt similiter. Post hos veniunt sacerdotes idolatrae, idem facientes. Et dicebat mihi Monachus (a Nestorian at the Khan's court), quod solum credit Christianis, tamen vult ut omnes orent pro eo. Et ipse mentiebatur, quia nullis credit, sicut postea audietis, cum omnes sequuntur curiam suam, sicut muscae mel, et omnibus dat, et omnes credunt, se esse familiares ejus, et omnes prophetant ei prospera. Mangu said to Rubruk, p. 359: Nos Moal credimus, quod non sit nisi unus Deus, per quem vivimus et per quem morimur, et ad ipsum habemus rectum cor. Sed sicut Deus dedit manui diversos digitos, ita dedit hominibus diversas vias. Vobis dedit Deus Scripturas, et vos Christiani non custoditis eas.-nobis autem dedit divinatores, et nos facimus quod ipsi dicunt nobis et vivimus in pace. Compare Marco

Polo, translated by Bürck, s. 264 ff.

10 Abulpharag. ap. Asseman. iii. ii. 102. Haithon Hist. Orient. c. 25, 26.

11 This was the Franciscan Joannes de Monte Corvino, cf. Wadding ad ann. 1307, no. 7 ss. With regard to the condition of this community, compare the two letters of this Franciscan in the year 1305 (Wadding ad h. ann. no. 10 ss.), in which he complains: Nestoriani-tantum invaluerunt in partibus istis, quod non permittant, quempiam Christianum alterius ritus habere quantumlibet parvum oratorium, nec aliam quam Nestorianam publicare doctrinam.

12 Kublaikhan, in 1260, appointed the first Dalai-Lama, see Abel-Rémusat recherches sur les langues tartares, t. i. (Paris, 1820. 4), p. 346, 386. Ritter's Erdkunde, ii. i. 258. [Cf. M. Huc, Le Catholicisme à Peking pendant le xiiime. siècle, in Rev. Contemp. Oct. 1856.]

FIRST APPENDIX.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH.

[George Finlay, Greece and the Byzantine Empire, Greece and the Empire of Trebizond, and History of the Byzantine and Greek Empires, Lond. 1850-55. A. de Salvandy, Histoire du Bas Empire, Par. 2d ed. 1855. Dean Waddington, History of Greek Church, 2d ed. 1854. M. B. Poujoulat, Histoire de Constantinople, 2, 8. 1855. J. M. Neale, History of the Holy Eastern Church, 2. 8.]

§ 94.

INTERNAL RELATIONS.

Among the Greeks all freedom, including that of the Church, and of scientific inquiry, was stifled for a long time by the oppression of a despotic government.1 On the other hand, slavishness and insolence, falsehood and hypocrisy, were deeply rooted among them. They thought that in the classic age of Hellas the pinnacle of earthly civilization had been attained, in the ancient fathers of their Church the loftiest height of theological knowledge had been reached. So they battened on the lees of this twofold past, and by virtue of this their inheritance looked down with scorn on all other nations as barbarians. Michael Psellus the younger2 († about 1100) may be regarded as the representative of the Grecian learning of this age; as in him, so we find also in the sphere of theology, very few original creations, but still here and there the merit of a judicious collection and interpretation of former writ

1 Nicetas Choniata de Manuele Comneno, lib. vii. c. 5: Toiç #heίooi ẞaoihλevoi 'Pwμαίων οὐκ ἀνεκτόν ἐστιν ὅλως ἄρχειν μόνον, καὶ χρυσοφορεῖν, καὶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς κοινοῖς ὡς ἰδίοις, καὶ διαδιδόναι ταῦτα καθὼς ἄρα καὶ οἷς βούλονται, οὐδὲ μὴν ὡς δούλοις τοῖς ἐλευθέροις προσφέρεσθαι· ἀλλ' εἰ μὴ καὶ σοφοὶ δοκοῖεν, καὶ θεοείκελοι τὴν μορφὴν, καὶ ἥρωες τὴν ἰσχὺν, καὶ ὡς Σολομῶν θεόσοφοι καὶ δογματισταὶ θειότατοι, καὶ κανόνες τῶν κανόνων εὐθέστεροι, καὶ ἁπλῶς θείων καὶ ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων ἀπροσφαλεῖς γνώμο νες, δεινὰ οἴονται πάσχειν· Ενθεν—οὐδὲ κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος δευτερεύειν ούτινοςοῦν ἀνεχόμενοι οἱ αὐτοὶ δογμάτων εἰσηγηταὶ καὶ δικασταὶ τούτων καὶ ὁρισταί, πολλαχοῦ δὲ καὶ κολασταὶ τῶν μὴ συμφωνούντων αὐτοῖς γίνονται.

Cf. Leo Allatius de Psellis et eorum scriptis diatriba (also in Fabricii bibl. Graeca, v. 1). On his works, which comprise almost the whole learning of the time, and are for the most part still unprinted, Oudinus comm. de scrippt. eccl. ii. 646, and Hamberger zu. verlassige Nachrichten v. d. vornehmsten Schriftstellern, iv. 11, may be also compared. The theological works, however (Commentaries on certain books of the Old Testament -dogmatical Explanations de Trinitate, etc.-lib. de vii. sacris Synodis oecumenicis, etc.), are of no particular value.

ings. Such a reputation the two exegetical writers, Theophylact, archbishop of the Bulgarians in Acrida († 1107)3, and Euthymius Zygadenus, a monk at Constantinople († after 1118),* have earned for themselves pre-eminently. This Euthymius Zygadenus also issued a work on polemical divinity in his Πανοπλία δογματικὴ τῆς ὀρθοδόξου πίστεως, as did the historian Nicetas Acominatus, from Chonae († after 1206, see above, s. 3), in the Oŋoavpòs oplodošiac. Works of greater research in defense of the Church, and certain Church doctrines, were published by Nicholas, bishop of Methone (about 1190). Lively pictures and criticisms of the moral and religious condition of the age may be found in the orations and lesser writings of Eustathius, archbishop of Thessa

4

6

3 Comm. in xii. Proph. minores, in iv. Evang., in Acta Apost. et Epistt. Pauli.-Epistolae.-Lib. de iis in quibus Latini accusantur (see Div. 1, § 42, note 10), etc.-Opp. edd. Finetti, de Rubeis et al. Venet. 1755 ss. vol. iv. fol. (comp. Ernesti theol. Biblioth. Bd. 5, s. 771 ff.) cf. Rich. Simon. hist. crit. des principaux commentateurs du N. T. c. 28. ⚫ Zygadenus, not as he is commonly called, Zigabenus, see my Introduction to Euth. de Bogomilis. By him were written: Comm. in Psalmos (in Theophyl. Opp. ed. Venet.) -Comm. in iv. Evang. (ed. Ch. F. Matthaei. Lips. 1792, t. iii. 8.)-Comm. in epistt. Pauli (Ms. in bibl. Vat. no. 636, s. Anecdota literaria. Romae, 1783, vol. iv. p. 6), cf. Rich. Simon. 1. c. c. 29.

5 In 24 Titulis, according to Anna Comnena, lib. xv. p. 490, suggested and entitled by the Emperor Alexius, latine ex. vers. P. F. Zini Venet. 1555. fol. (also in the Bibl. PP. Lugd. xix. 1), in which, however, Titulus xiii. κατὰ τῶν τῆς παλαιᾶς Ρώμης, ήτοι τῶν Ἰταλῶν, ὅτι οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ υἱοῦ ἐκπορεύεται τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα (Ms. in Paris and Rome, see N. Fogginius in Anecdot. literar. iv. 10. Romae, 1783) is left out. The Greek text was printed in 1711 fol. at Tergowist, in Wallachia, but with some omissions in the first Tituli on the Trinity, and with the rejection of the whole Tit. xxiv. against the Mohammedans (which, however, J. J. Beurer, in Frid. Sylburgii Saracenicis, Heidelb. 1595. 8. had already published in Greek and Latin). Concerning Tit. xxiii. against the Bogomili, see below, § 96, note 5. Cf. Fabricii biblioth. Graeca, vii. 461. Matthaei praef. ad Euthym. Zigab. commentarium in iv. Evang. p. 8. Ullmann in d. theol. Studien u. Krit. 1833, iii. 665.

On Nicetas, see Ullmann in the work quoted above, s. 674, Michael Akominatus of Chonae, archbishop of Athens, brother to Nicetas, by Dr. A. Ellissen. Gottingen, 1846. s. 7. The Onoavpós in 27 books is written with the assistance of the Пlavonia of Euthymius, but it has more original matter, see Ullmann, s. 680, of the same work. The first five books are published in a Latin translation by P. Morellus. Paris, 1569. 8. (also in the Bibl. PP. Lugd. xxv. 54, lib. xxiii., the controversies under Alexius Comnenus, in Greek in Th. L. F. Tafel Annae Comnenae supplementa, historiam eccl. Graecorum saee. xi. et xii. spectantia. Tubing. 1832. 4.). There is a description of the whole work to be seen in Montfaucon Palaeographia Graeca, p. 326 ss. Fabricii bibl. Graeca, vi. 420 ss. A. M. Bandinii Catalogus codd. mss. bibl. Mediceae Laurentianae varia continens opera Graecorum Patrum. Florent. 1764. fol. p. 430.

* Concerning him, see Ullmann, s. 701, of the same work. Works by him: 'Avánruži TĀS DεOROYIKNÇ σtolxeiwσews Пpókλov, ed. J. Th. Voemel (Creuzeri initia philosophiae ac theologiae ex Platonicis fontibus ducta. P. iv. Francof. ad M. 1825); Nicol. Meth. Anecdoton (questions and answers on points at issue between Christians and heathens), ed. Voemel P. ii. (2 Schulprogramme, Frankf. 1825 and 1826. 4.); Lib. de corpore et sanguine Christi (in the Auctarium biblioth. vett. Patr. Ducaeanum ii, 272). The unprinted works against the Latins are, De primatu Papae, de processione Spir. s., de azymis.